JOHN  T.  RING 
MEMORIAL 

This  book  is  a part  of  the  library  of 
PROFESSOR 

Thornton  Shirley  Graves 

Professor  of  English  in 

k 

Trinity  College 
1913-1921 

which  was  purchased  for  the 
Duke  University  Library 
by  the  Class  of  1916 
as  a memorial  to  their  classmate 

JOHN  T.  RING 

who  was  killed  in  action  in  France  on 
July  19,  1918 


Epochs  of  American  History 

EDITED  BY 

ALBERT  BUSHNELL  HART,  Ph.D. 


THE  COLONIES , 1492-1150 


REUBEN  G.  THWAITES 


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Epochs  of  American  History 


THE  COLONIES 

i492-‘75° 


BY 

REUBEN  GOLD  THWAITES 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  WISCONSIN 
EDITOR  OF  THE  “ WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS” 
AUTHOR  OF  “HISTORIC  WATERWAYS,”  “THE 
STORY  OF  WISCONSIN,”  ETC. 


WITH  FOUR  MAPS 


NEW  YORK 

LONGMANS,  GREEN,  AND  CO. 

LONDON  AND  BOMBAY 

1902 


Copyright , 1800 , 

By  Charles  J.  Mills. 


Copyright , 1897, 

By  Longmans,  Green,  and  Co. 


Alt  rights  reserved. 


First  Edition,  December,  1890. 

Reprinted,  September,  1891,  February,  1892,  (Revised), 
January  and  August,  1893,  December,  1S93,  (Revised), 
August,  1S94,  October,  1S95,  July,  1896,  August,  1897, 
(Revised).  November,  1S97,  July,  1S9S,  July,  1S99, 
April,  1900,  January,  1901,  October,  1901,  August,  1902, 
November,  1902. 


UNIVERSITY  PRESS  • JOHN  WILSON 
AND  SON  ■ CAMBRIDGE,  U S.  A. 


T5H-?  A 


EDITOR’S  PREFACE. 


In  offering  to  the  public  a new  History  of  the 
United  States,  — for  such  the  three  volumes  of  the 
Epochs  of  American  History,  taken  together,  are 
designed  to  form,  — the  aim  is  not  to  assemble  all 
the  important  facts,  or  to  discuss  all  the  important 
questions  that  have  arisen.  There  seems  to  be  a 
place  for  a series  of  brief  works  which  shall  show  the 
main  causes  for  the  foundation  of  the  colonies,  for 
the  formation  of  the  Union,  and  for  the  triumph  of 
that  Union  over  disintegrating  tendencies.  To  make 
clear  the  development  of  ideas  and  institutions  from 
epoch  to  epoch,  — this  is  the  aim  of  the  authors  and 
the  editor. 

Detail  has  therefore  been  sacrificed  to  a more 
thorough  treatment  of  the  broad  outlines  : events  are 
considered  as  evidences  of  tendencies  and  principles. 
Recognizing  the  fact  that  many  readers  will  wish  to 
go  more  carefully  into  narrative  and  social  history,  each 
chapter  throughout  the  Series  will  be  provided  with  a 
bibliography,  intended  to  lead,  first  to  the  more  com- 
mon and  easily  accessible  books,  afterward,  through 
the  lists  of  bibliographies  by  other  hands,  to  special 
works  and  monographs.  The  reader  or  teacher  will 


vi  Editor's  Preface. 

find  a select  list  of  books  in  the  Suggestions  a few 
pages  below. 

The  historical  geography  of  the  United  States  has 
been  a much-neglected  subject.  In  this  Series,  there- 
fore, both  physical  and  political  geography  will  re- 
ceive special  attention.  I have  prepared  four  maps 
for  the  first  volume,  and  a like  number  will  appear 
in  each  subsequent  volume.  Colonial  grants  were 
confused  and  uncertain ; the  principle  adopted  has 
been  to  accept  the  later  interpretation  of  the  grants 
by  the  English  government  as  settling  earlier  ques- 
tions. 

To  my  colleague,  Professor  Edward  Channing,  I 
beg  to  offer  especial  thanks  for  many  generous  sug- 
gestions, both  as  to  the  scope  of  the  work  and  as 
to  details. 

ALBERT  BUSHNELL  HART. 

Cambridge,  December  i,  1890. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  TENTH  EDITION. 

The  time  has  come  to  take  advantage  of  the  increase 
in  the  literature  of  Colonial  History,  by  rewriting  the 
Suggestions  for  Readers  and  Teachers.  Inasmuch  as 
the  author  of  The  Colonies  is  out  of  the  country,  by 
arrangement  with  him  I have  also  rewritten  the  bibli- 
ographies prefixed  to  the  chapters. 

ALBERT  BUSHNELL  HART. 


Cambridge,  July  1,  1897. 


AUTHOR’S  PREFACE. 


Upon  no  epoch  of  American  history  has  so  much 
been  written,  from  every  point  of  view,  as  upon  the 
Thirteen  Colonies.  There  has,  nevertheless,  been 
lacking  a book  devoted  especially  to  it,  compact  in 
form,  yet  sufficiently  comprehensive  in  scope  at  once 
to  serve  as  a text-book  for  class  use  and  for  general 
reading  and  reference.  The  present  work  is  intended 
to  meet  that  want. 

In  this  book  American  colonization  is  considered 
in  the  light  of  general  colonization  as  a phase  of  his- 
tory. Englishmen  in  planting  colonies  in  America 
brought  with  them  the  institutions  with  which  they 
had  been  familiar  at  home  : it  is  shown  what  these 
institutions  were,  and  how,  in  adapting  themselves  to 
new  conditions  of  growth,  they  differed  from  English 
models.  As  prominent  among  the  changed  condi- 
tions, the  physical  geography  of  America  and  its 
aboriginal  inhabitants  receive  somewhat  extended 
treatment ; and  it  is  sought  to  explain  the  important 
effect  these  had  upon  the  character  of  the  settlers 
and  the  development  of  the  country.  The  social  and 
economic  condition  of  the  people  is  described,  and 
attention  is  paid  to  the  political  characteristics  of  the 
several  colonies  both  in  the  conduct  of  their  local 
affairs  and  in  their  relations  with  each  other  and  the 


viii  Author's  Preface. 

mother-country.  It  is  shown  that  the  causes  of  the 
Revolution  were  deep-seated  in  colonial  history.  At- 
tention is  also  called  to  the  fact,  generally  overlooked, 
that  the  thirteen  mainland  colonies  which  revolted  in 
1776  were  not  all  of  the  English  colonial  establishments 
in  America. 

From  Dr.  Frederick  J.  Turner,  of  the  University  of 
Wisconsin,  I have  had  much  advice  and  assistance 
throughout  the  prosecution  of  the  work  ; Dr.  Edward 
Charming,  of  Harvard  College,  has  kindly  revised  the 
proof-sheets  and  made  many  valuable  suggestions  ; while 
Dr.  Samuel  A.  Green,  librarian  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society,  has  generously  done  similar  service 
on  the  chapters  referring  to  New  England.  To  all  of 
these  gentlemen,  each  professionally  expert  in  certain 
branches  of  the  subject,  I tender  most  cordial  thanks. 

REUBEN  GOLD  TH WAITES. 

Madison,  Wis.,  December  1,  1S90. 


PREFACE  TO  THIRD  EDITION. 

Covering  a broad  field,  in  every  part  of  which  able 
specialists  are  busily  at  work,  it  was  unavoidable  that 
here  and  there  errors  in  my  little  book  should  have 
been  detected  by  some  of  them.  In  revising  the  vol- 
ume for  its  third  edition,  I have  endeavored  to  make 
all  essential  corrections.  My  grateful  acknowledg- 
ments for  friendly  suggestions  are  due  to  Dr.  Justin 
Winsor,  Dr.  W.  F.  Poole,  Dr.  A.  B.  Hart,  Dr.  F.  J. 
Turner,  Dr.  S.  B.  Weeks,  Dr.  R.  B.  Anderson,  Dr. 
H.  L.  Osgood,  and  Prof.  J.  E.  Olson. 

R.  G.  T. 

Madison,  Wis.,  January  15,  1892. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  READERS  AND 
TEACHERS. 


BY  THE  EDITOR. 

Each  of  the  volumes  in  the  series  is  intended  to  be 
complete  in  itself,  and  to  furnish  an  account  of  the  period 
it  covers  sufficient  for  the  general  reader  or  student. 
Those  who  wish  to  supplement  this  book  by  additional 
reading  or  study  will  find  useful  the  bibliographies  at  the 
heads  of  the  chapters. 

For  the  use  of  teachers  the  following  method  is  recom- 
mended. A chapter  at  a time- may  be  given  out  to  the 
class  for  their  preliminary  reading ; or  the  paragraph 
numbers  may  be  used  in  assigning  lessons.  From  the 
references  at  the  head  of  the  chapter  a report  may  then 
be  prepared  by  one  or  more  members  of  the  class  on  each 
of  the  topics  included  in  that  chapter  ; these  reports  may 
be  filed,  or  may  be  read  in  class  when  the  topic  is  reached 
in  the  more  detailed  exercises.  Pupils  take  a singular 
interest  in  such  work,  and  the  details  thus  obtained  will 
add  a local  color  to  the  necessarily  brief  statements  of 
the  text. 

Students’  Reference  Library. 

The  following  brief  works  will  be  found  useful  for  ref- 
erence and  comparison,  or  for  the  preparation  of  topics. 
The  set  should  cost  not  more  than  ten  dollars. 


x Suggestions  for  Readers  and  Teachers. 

1.  Edward  Channing:  Town  and  County  Government  in 
the  English  Colonies  of  North.  America  (Johns  Hopkins  Uni- 
versity, Studies,  II.  No.  io).  Baltimore,  18S4.  — The  best  ac- 
count of  local  government  in  the  colonies. 

2.  Edward  Eggleston  : The  Beginners  of  a Nation.  New 
York:  Appleton,  1S96.  — Particular  attention  to  social  life; 
original  and  suggestive. 

3.  John  Fiske:  The  Discovery  of  America.  2 vols.  Bos- 
ton: Houghton,  Mifflin  & Co.,  1892. 

4.  Richard  Frothingham:  The  Rise  of  the  Republic. 
Boston:  Little,  Brown  & Co.,  1S72.  — Chs.  i.-iv.  are  on  the 
constitutional  development  of  colonial  union. 

5.  Thomas  Wentworth  PIigginson:  A Larger  History 
of  the  United  Stales  of  America  to  the  Close  of  Jackson's  Adminis- 
tration. New  York:  Harpers,  18S6.  — Chs.  i.-viii.  on  the  colo- 
nies. Popular  sketches  of  manners.  Beautifully  illustrated. 

6.  George  E.  Howard:  Introduction  to  the  Local  Consti- 
tutional Histoiy  of  the  United  States.  Baltimore:  Johns  Hop- 
kins University,  Studies,  Extra  vol.,  IV.,  1889.  — Another  vol- 
ume on  municipal  government  is  announced. 

7.  Henry  Cabot  Lodge:  A Short  History  of  the  English 
Colonies  in  America.  New  York:  Harpers,  1881.  — Condensed 
narrative  of  the  political  history  of  each  colony  separately,  and 
a social  sketch  of  each  colony  or  group. 


School  Reference  Library. 

The  following  works  make  up  a convenient  library  for 
study  on  the  period  of  colonization.  The  books  should 
cost  about  forty  dollars. 

1-7.  The  general  works  enumerated  in  the  previous  list. 

8.  American  History  Leaflets.  — 30  numbers.  New  York: 
Lovell  & Co.,  1892-96.  — May  be  had  separately.  Nos.  1,  3,  5, 
7,9,  13,  1 6,  19,  25,  27,  29  on  the  Colonies. 


List  of  Reference  Books. 


xi 


g.  Philip  A.  Bruce:  Economic  History  of  Virginia  in  the 
Seventeenth  Century.  2 vols.  New  York:  Macmillan  Co.,  1896. 

10.  Edward  Channing  and  Albert  Bushnell  Hart: 
Guide  to  the  Study  of  American  History.  Boston  : Ginn  & Co., 
1S96. — A discussion  of  methods,  and  a classified  bibliography. 

1 1— 1 3.  J.  A.  Doyle:  The  English  in  America.  London: 
Longmans,  iSSa-rSSz  (also  an  American  reprint).  — Three 
volumes  now  published,  including  the  Southern  and  New 
England  colonies. 

14.  George  P.  Fisher:  The  Colonial  Era  ( American  His- 
tory Series). — New  York:  Scribners,  1892. 

15,  >6.  Albert  Bushnell  Hart:  American  History  told 
by  Contemporaries  (to  be  4 vols).  New  York  : Macmillan  Co., 
1897-99.  — Reprints  of  narratives.  Vol.  I.  comes  down  to 
1689;  Vol.  II.  to  1783. 

17-19.  Richard  Hildreth:  The  History  of  the  United 
States  of  America.  New  York:  Harpers,  1849-1856.  — Two 
series,  each  3 vols.  1st  Series,  or  Vols.  I. — III.  of  the  six-vol- 
ume edition,  may  be  had  separately.  A very  good  account  of 
the  colonies  as  a whole  in  Vols.  I.— II. 

20-22.  Old  South  Leaflets.  75  numbers,  also  bound  in  3 
vols.  Boston:  Directors  of  Old  South  Work,  1888-1897. — 
May  be  had  separately.  Nos.  5-8,  17,  19-21,  29-31,33-37,  39, 
46,  4S-50,  51-55,  66-67,  69,  71,  are  on  the  Colonies. 

23.  PIoward  W.  Presto^  : Documents  illustrative  of  Amer- 
ican History , 1606-1863.  Ne"w‘.Yt>rk  : Putnam’s,  1886.  — Con- 
tains Colonial  charters,  etc. 

24,  25.  William  B.  Weeden:  Economic  and  Social  History 
of  New  England.  2 vols.  Boston  : Houghton,  Mifflin  & Co., 
1S90.  — Much  new  material  and  many  original  views. 

Larger  Reference  Library. 

For  school  use  or  for  extended  private  reading,  a larger 
collection  of  the  standard  works  on  the  period  of  coloni- 
zation is  necessary.  The  following  books  ought  to  cost 


xii  Suggestions  for  Readers  and  Teachers. 


about  a hundred  and  fifty  dollars.  Many  may  be  bad  at 
second-hand,  through  dealers,  or  by  advertising  in  the 
Publishers'  Weekly. 

Additional  titles  may  be  found  in  the  bibliographies  at 
the  heads  of  the  chapters,  and  through  the  formal  bibli- 
ographies, such  as  Winsor’s  Narrative  and  Critical  His- 
tory, the  footnotes  to  Eggleston,  Doyle,  and  Lodge,  and 
Channing  and  Hart’s  Guide. 

1-25.  The  books  enumerated  in  the  two  lists  above. 

26-27.  Charles  Francis  Adams  : Three  Episodes  of  Mas- 
sachusetts History.  Boston  : Houghton,  Mifflin  & Co.,  1S92. 

28-30.  George  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U)iited  States  oj 
America  from  the  Discovery  of  the  Continent.  (The  ten-volume 
edition,  Boston,  Little,  Brown,  & Co.,  1834-1874,  is  the  best 
on  colonial  history ; centenary  edition,  6 vols.,  1876,  now 
superseded  by  the  “author’s  last  revision,”  6 vols.)  New 
York:  Appletons,  1SS3— 1SS5.  — Very  full,  but  no  longer 
accepted  as  final.  Vols.  I.— III.  on  Colonization. 

31.  William  Bradford  : History  of  Plymouth  Plantation. 
Boston  : privately  printed,  1S56. 

32-35.  William  Cullen  Bryant  and  S.  If.  Gay:  A 
Popidar  History  of  the  United  States.  4 vols.  New  York: 
Scribners,  1876-1881.  — Good  narrative  and  well  illustrated. 

36.  George  Chalmers  : Political  Annals  of  the  Present 
United  Colonies,  from  their  Settlement  to  the  Peace  of 1763.  Book 
I.  — London,  1780  (later  reprints).  Continuation  in  New  York 
Historical  Society,  Collections,  Fund  Publication  Series,  1868. 

37.  JohnFiske.  The  Beginnings  of  Neiv  England.  Bos- 
ton : Houghton,  Mifflin  & Co,  1889. 

38-40.  Richard  Hakluyt:  Principal  Navigations,  Voyages, 
Traffiques,  and  Discoveries  of  the  English  Nation.  3 vols. 
1599  (and  later  editions).  — Indispensable  for  the  period  of 
discovery.  Vols.  VI.,  XII. -XIV.,  XVI.  of  Goldsmid’s  edition 
(1885-1890)  are  on  America. 


List  of  Reference  Books. 


xiii 

41-45.  J.  G.  PALFREY : History  of  /Vew  England.  5 vols. 
Boston  : Little,  Brown,  & Co.,  185S-1S90;  also  a Compendious 
History  of  New  England.  4 vols.  Boston  : Osgood,  1884.  — 
Full  and  philosophical,  but  already  somewhat  superseded. 

46-51.  Francis  Parkman  : France  and  England  in  North. 
America.  A series  of  Historical  Narratives.  9 vols.  Boston  : 
Little,  Brown  & Co.,  1865-1S92.  — Published  under  seven 
separate  titles.  Graphic  and  interesting.  The  first  six  vol- 
umes (which  may  be  had  separately)  are  on  the  Colonial 
period,  to  1750. 

52-54.  Samuel  Sewall  : Diary.  3 vols.  Boston  : Mas- 
sachusetts Historical  Society,  1878-1882.  — The  best  colonial 
diary. 

55-62.  JUSTIN  WlNSOR:  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of 
America.  8 vols.  Boston  & New  York  : Houghton,  Mifflin  & 
Co.,  1S86-18S9.  — The  most  valuable  work  of  modern  scholar- 
ship on  American  history,  but  not  a consecutive  narrative. 
Vols.  II. -IV.  relate  to  the  colonies  before  the  Revolution. 
They  cannot  be  bought  separately.' 

63-65.  JUSTIN  Winsor:  Christopher  Columbus  ; Mississippi 
Basin  ; Cartier  to  Froutenac.  Boston : Houghton,  Mifflin  & 
Co.,  1S92,  1894,  1895.  — These  volumes  taken  consecutively 
are  a territorial  history  of  the  colonies. 

66,  67.  John  W inthrop  : History  of  New  E?igland.  2 vols. 
Boston:  Little  Brown  & Co.,  1S53. — Covers  period  1630- 
1648;  the  most  important  book  on  colonial  statesmanship. 

Sources. 

For  proper  school  and  college  work,  the  use  of  sources 
is  essential.  Besides  those  included  in  the  lists  above, 
others  may  be  found  by  using  the  bibliographies  in  the 
chapter  headings  below,  and  other  formal  bibliographies 
there  cited. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  LAND  AND  THE  NATIVE  RACES. 

PAGES 

I.  References,  p.  i.  — 2.  Physical  characteristics  of  North 
America,  p.  2.  — 3.  The  native  races,  p.  7. — 4.  Char- 
acteristics of  the  Indian,  p.  13  — 5.  Relations  of 
the  Indians  and  colonists,  p.  17 1-19 

CHAPTER  II. 

DISCOVERIES  AND  EARLY  SETTLEMENTS  (1492-1606). 

6.  References,  p.  20.  — 7.  Pre-Columbian  discoveries,  p.  21. 

— 8.  Early  European  discoveries  (1492-1512),  p.  23. 

— 9.  Spanish  exploration  of  the  interior  ( 1513-1542), 
p.  27. — 10.  Spanish  colonies  (1492-1687),  p.  31.  — 

11.  The  French  in  North  America  ( 1 524-1550),  p.  32. 

— 12.  French  attempts  to  colonize  Florida  (1562- 

1568),  P'  33-  — 13  The  French  in  Canada  (15S9- 
1608),  p.  35.  — 14.  English  exploration  (149S-1584), 
p.  36.  — 15.  English  attempts  to  colonize  (1584- 
1606),  p.  38.  — 16.  The  experience  of  the  sixteenth 
century  (1492-1606),  p.  42 20-44 

CHAPTER  III. 

COLONIZATION  AND  THE  COLONISTS. 

17.  References,  p.  45.  — 18.  Colonial  policy  of  European 
states,  p.  45.  — 19.  Spanish  and  Portuguese  policy, 
p.  47.  — 20.  French  policy,  p.  48.  — 21.  Dutch  and 
Swedish  policy,  p.  50.  — 22.  English  policy,  p.  51.  — 


xvi  Preliminary.  The  South. 

PAGES 

23.  Character  of  English  emigrants,  p.  53.  — 24. 

Local  government  in  the  colonies,  p.  55.  — 25.  Colo- 
nial governments,  p 58.  — 26.  Privileges  of  the 
colonists,  p.  61 45-63 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH  (1606-1700). 

27.  References,  p.  64.  — 28.  Reasons  for  final  English 
colonization,  p.  65.  — 29.  The  charter  of  1606,  p.  66. 

— 30.  The  settlement  of  Virginia  ( 1607-1624),  p.  69. 

— 31.  Virginia  during  the  English  revolution  (1624- 
1660),  p.  75.  — 32.  Development  of  Virginia  (1660- 
1700),  p.  78.  — 33.  Settlement  of  Maryland  (1632- 
1635),  p.  81.  — 34.  Maryland  during  the  English 
revolution  (1642-1660),  p.  84. — 33.  Development 
of  Maryland  (1660-1715),  p.  86.  — 36.  Early  settlers 
in  the  Carolinas  (1542-1665),  p.  87. — 37.  Pro- 
prietorship of  the  Carolinas  (1663— 1671),  p.  89. — 

38.  The  two  settlements  of  Carolina  (1671-1700), 

P-92 64-95 


CHAPTER  V. 

SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  CONDITIONS  IN  THE  SOUTH 
IN  1700. 

39.  References,  p.  96.  — 40.  Land  and  People  in  the 
South,  p.  96.  — 41.  Slavery  and  servants,  p.  98.  — 

42.  Middle  and  upper  classes,  p.  100.  — 43.  Occu- 
pations, p.  102.  — 44.  Navigation  Acts,  p.  104.  — 

45.  Social  life,  p.  106.  — 46.  Political  life,  and  con- 
clusions, p.  109 96-111 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  COLONIZATION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND  (1620-1643). 

47.  References,  p.  112.  — 48.  The  New  England  colonists, 
p.  113.  — 49.  Plymouth  colonized  (162C-1621),  p.  116 


Contents. 


xvn 


— 50.  Development  of  Plymouth  ( 1621-1691 ),  p.  120. 

— 51.  Massachusetts  founded  (1630),  p.  124.  — 52. 
Government  of  Massachusetts  (1630-1634),  p.  127. 

— 53  Internal  dissensions  in  Massachusetts  (1634- 

I637),p.  129.  — 54.  Religious  troubles  in  Massachu- 
setts (1636-1638),  p-  132.  — 55.  Indian  wars  (1635- 
1637),  p 136.  — 56.  Laws  aud  characteristics  of 
Massachusetts  ( 1637-1643),  p.  137.  — 57.  Connecti- 
cut founded  (1633-1639),  p.  140. — 5S.  The  Con- 
necticut government  ( 1639-1643),  p.  142.  — 59.  New 
Haven  founded  (1637-1644),  p.  144.  — 60.  Rhode 
Island  founded  (1636-1654),  p.  146.  — 61.  Maine 
founded  (1622-165S),  p.  150.  — 62.  New  Hampshire 
founded  (1620-1685),  p.  152 1 1 2—153 

CHAPTER  VII. 

NEW  ENGLAND  FROM  1643  TO  I700- 

63.  References,  p.  154. — 64.  New  England  confederation 
formed  (1637-1643),  p.  154.  — 65.  Workings  of  the 
confederation  (1643-1660),  p.  157. — 66.  Disturb- 
ances in  Rhode  Island  (1641-1647),  p.  159. — 67. 
Policy  of  the  confederation  (1646-1660),  p.  161. — 

68.  Repression  of  the  Quakers  (1656-1660),  p.  165, 

— 69.  Royal  commission  (1660-1664),  p.  166.  — 70. 
Indian  wars  (1660-1678),  p.  170.  — 71.  Territorial 
disputes  (1649-1685),  p.  173.  — 72.  Revocation  of 
the  charters  (1679-1687),  p.  174.  — 73.  Restoration 

of  the  charters  (16S9-1692),  p.  176 1 54—177 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  CONDITIONS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND 
IN  1700. 

74.  References,  p.  178.  — 75.  Land  and  people,  p.  179. — 

76.  Social  classes  and  professions,  p.  181.  — 77.  Oc- 
cupations, p.  1S4.  — 78.  Social  conditions,  p.  186. — 


PAGES 


xviii  New  England.  Middle  Colonies. 

79.  Moral  and  religious  conditions,  p.  188.  — 80. 

The  witchcraft  delusion,  p.  190.  — 81.  Political  con- 
ditions, p.  192 178-194 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  MIDDLE  COLONIES  (1609-1700). 

82.  References,  p.  195.  — 83.  Dutch  settlement  (1609- 
1625),  p.  196.  — 84.  Progress  of  New  Netherland 
(1626-1664),  P-  198- — 85.  Conquest  of  New  Neth- 
erland (1664),  p.  202. — 86.  Development  of  New 
York  (1664-1700),  p.  203. — 87.  Delaware  (1623- 
1700),  p.  207.  — 88.  New  Jersey  ( 1664-1738),  p.  210. 

— 89.  Pennsylvania  (1681-1718),  p- 215,  . . 195-217 

CHAPTER  X. 

SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  CONDITIONS  IN  THE  MIDDLE 
COLONIES  IN  1700. 

90.  References,  p.  218. — 91.  Geographical  conditions  in 
the  middle  colonies,  p.  218. — 92.  People  of  the 
middle  colonies,  p.  220.  — 93.  Social  classes,  p.  222. 

— 94.  Occupations,  p.  224.  — 95.  Social  life,  p.  226. 

— 96.  Intellectual  and  moral  conditions,  p.  229. — 

97.  Political  conditions,  and  conclusion,  p.  231  . 218-232, 

CHAPTER  XI 

OTHER  ENGLISH  NORTH  AMERICAN  COLONIES  (1605-1750), 

98.  References,  p.  233.  — 99.  Outlying  English  colonies, 
p.  234.  — 100.  Windward  and  Leeward  Islands 
(1605-1814),  p,  236.  — 101.  Bermudas  (1609-1750) 
and  Bahamas  (1522-1783),  p.  238. — 102.  Jamaica 
( 1:655—1750),  p.  240.  — 103.  British  Honduras  ( 1600- 
1798),  p.  241.  — 104.  Newfoundland  (1497-1783), 
p.  241.  — 105.  Nova  Scotia,  Acadia  (1497-1755), 
p.  242.  — 106.  Hudson’s  Bay  Company,  p.  243  . 233-244 


Contents. 


xix 


CHAPTER  XII. 

PAGES 

THE  COLONIZATION  OF  NEW  FRANCE  (1608-1750). 

107.  References,  p.  245.  — 108.  Settlement  of  Canada 
(1608-1629),  p.  246.  — 109.  Exploration  of  the 
Northwest  (1629-1699),  p.  247.  — no.  Social  and 
political  conditions,  p.  249. — 111.  Intercolonial 
wars  (1628-1697),  p.  252. — 112.  Frontier  wars 
(1702-174S),  p.  254.  — 1 13.  Territorial  claims,  p.  255. 

— 1 1 4.  Effect  of  French  colonization,  p.  257  . 245-257 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  COLONIZATION  OF  GEORGIA  ( I 732— I 755 ). 

1 1 5.  References,  p.  258.  — 116.  Settlement  of  Georgia 
(1732-1735),  p.  258.  — 1 17.  Slow  development  of 
Georgia  (i735~I755).  P-  261 258-263 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  CONTINENTAL  COLONIES  FROM  I7OO  TO  I750. 

1 18.  References,  p 264. — 119.  Population  (1700-1750), 
p 265- — 120.  Attacks  on  the  charters  (1701-1749), 
p.  266.  — 12 1.  Settlement  and  boundaries  (1700- 
1750),  p.  267.  — 122  Schemes  of  colonial  union 
(1690-1754),  p.  269  — 123.  Quarrels  with  royal 
governors  (1700-1750),  p.  271.  — 124.  Governors 
of  southern  colonies,  p.  272.  — 125.  Governors  of 
middle  colonies,  p.  273.  — 126  Governors  of  New 
England  colonies,  p.  275. — 127.  Effect  of  the  French 
wars  (1700-1750),  p.  277-  — 128.  Economic  condi- 
tions, p.  278.  — 129.  Political  and  social  conditions 
(1700-1750),  p.  280.  — 130.  Results  of  the  half-cen- 
tury (1700-1750),  p.  282 264-284 


Index 


XX 


List  of  Maps. 


LIST  OF  MAPS. 


1.  Physical  Features  of  the  United  States  . . 

2.  North  America,  1650 

3.  English  Colonies  in  North  America,  1700  . 

4.  North  America,  1750 


. Frontispiece 
End  of  volume. 
End  of  volume. 
End  of  volume. 


EPOCHS  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


THE  COLONIES. 

1492-1750. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  LAND  AND  THE  NATIVE  RACES. 

1.  References. 

Bibliographies.  — Justin  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical  His- 
tory, I.,  II.;  J.  J.  Lalor,  Cyclopedia  of  Political  Science,  I.  74;  W. 
F.  Allen,  History  Topics ; XV.  E.  Foster,  Monthly  Reference  Lists , 

III.  5-7;  W.  E.  Foster,  References  to  the  Constitution;  Channing, 
and  Hart,  Guide,  §§  21,  77-80. 

Historical  Maps.  — No.  i,  this  volume  {Epoch  Maps,  No.  1); 
T.  MacCoun,  Historical  Geography  of  the  United  States  ; School 
Histories  of  Channing,  Johnston,  Scudder,  and  Thomas. 

General  Accounts.  — The  historical  significance  of  the  Geog- 
raphy of  the  United  States  is  outlined  in  J.  A.  Doyle,  English  Colo- 
nies in  America,  I.  5-S ; J.  W.  Draper,  Civil  War  in  America,  I. 
39-62 ; N.  S.  Shaler,  in  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical  History. 

IV.  pp.  i-xxx;  and  F.  Ratzel,  Vereinigte  Staaten,  I.  ch.  2.  — Topo- 
graphical descriptions  of  the  country;  J.  D.  Whitney,  United  States, 
I.  1-12S;  E.  Reclus,  North  America,  III.;  N.  S.  Shaler,  United 
States,  I,  and  Nature  and  Men  in  America;  H.  H.  Bancroft, 
Northwest  Coast,  I.  404-411,616-648;  B.  A.  Hinsdale,  Old  North- 
west, 1-5.  — Prehistoric  man  in  America;  Nadaillac,  Prehistoric 
America;  Bryant  and  Gay,  United  States,  I.  1-34  ; Justin  Winsor, 
Narrative  and  Critical  History,  I.  329-444;  J.  XV.  Foster,  Pre- 
historic Races ; Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Reports  for  1SS7  and  1S90-91  ; 
L.  XV.  Morgan,  Ancient  Society,  and  J.  XV.  Powell,  in  the  Forum, 
VIII.  489.  — The  Indians  ; Introduction  to  Francis  Parkman,  Jesuits 


2 Land  and  Aborigines.  [Ch.  I. 

in  North  America  and  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac , I.  1-45 ; Geo.  Ban- 
croft, United  States  (final  ed.),  II.  86-136;  R.  Hildreth,  United 
States , I.  50-70;  H.  H.  Bancroft,  Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  Coast, 
I.  1-28;  Geo.  Catlin,  North  American  Indians ; S.  G.  Drake,  Abo- 
riginal Races  of  North  America  ; G.  E.  Ellis,  Red  Alan  and  White 
Man  in  North  America ; J.  A.  Doyle,  English  in  America.  The 
mass  of  literature  on  mound-builders  and  the  Indians  is  enormous,  and 
reference  can  only  here  be  made  to  a few  notable  studies  in  easily  acces- 
sible works.  J.  H.  Morgan,  in  various  publications,  attacks  the  theory 
of  a high  Mexican  civilization,  and  is  supported  by  various  publications 
of  the  Peabody  Museum  of  American  Antiquities. 

Special  Histories.  — An  account  of  the  Southern  Indians  at  the 
opening  of  the  Revolution  is  given  in  T.  Roosevelt,  Whining  of  the 
West,  I.  49-100.  Consult  H.  H.  Bancroft,  Native  Races  of  the 
Pacific  Coast,  II.,  and  Mexico,  I.,  for  detailed  treatment  of  that  section 
of  the  Union.  The  Iroquois  are  treated  in  W.  L.  Stone,  Life  of  Brant, 
Life  of  Red  Jacket,  and  Border  Wars  of  the  American  Revolution  ; 
L.  H.  Morgan,  League  of  the  Iroquois ; and  C.  Colden,  Five  Indian 
Nations.  F rancis  Parkman,  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac , covers  the  greatest 
Indian  uprising  in  history.  J.  G.  Palfrey,  New  England,  I.  chs.  i.,  ii., 
treats  of  the  land  and  Indians  of  that  section. 

Contemporary  Accounts.  — Champlain,  Voyages;  Charlevoix, 
Nouvelle  France  ; John  Smith,  True  Relation  (1608)  ; Morton,  New 
English  Canaan  (16 37);  Hakluyt,  Voyages.  — Reprints  in  R.  G. 
Thwaites,  Jesuit  Relations  ; Library  of  American  Literature , I.,  II.; 
American  History  told  by  Contemporaries , I. 

2.  Physical  Characteristics  of  North  America. 

Whence  came  the  native  races  of  America?  Doubt- 
less the  chain  of  Aleutian  islands  served  as  stepping- 
stones  for  straggling  bands  of  Asiatics  to  cross  over 
Origin  of  the  into  continental  Alaska  many  centuries  ago; 
native  races,  others  may  have  traversed  the  ice-bridge  of 
Bering’s  Strait ; possibly  prehistoric  vessels  from  China, 
Japan,  or  the  Malay  peninsula  were  blown  upon  our 
shores  by  westerly  hurricanes,  or  drifted  hither  upon  the 
ocean  currents  of  the  Pacific.  There  are  striking  simi- 
larities between  the  flora  on  each  shore  of  the  North 
Pacific ; and  the  Eskimos  of  North  America,  like  the 


Ch.  I.] 


The  Pacific  Slope. 


West-Slope  Indians  of  South  America,  have  been  thought 
to  exhibit  physical  resemblances  to  the  Mon- 
ter  of  conjee-  gols  and  Malays.  On  the  other  hand,  some 
uire.  archaeologists  hold  that  men  as  far  advanced  as 

the  present  Eskimos  followed  the  retreating  ice-cap  of  the 
last  glacial  epoch.  In  the  absence  of  positive  historical 
evidence,  the  origin  of  the  native  peoples  of  America  is 
a mere  matter  of  conjecture. 

North  America  could  not,  in  a primitive  stage  of  the 
mechanic  arts,  have  been  developed  by  colonization  on 
Difficulties  any  considerable  scale  from  the  west,  except 
tion°froma"  *n  the  face  difficulties  almost  insuperable, 
the  west.  The  Pacific  coast  of  the  country  is  dangerous 
to  approach  ; steep  precipices  frequently  come  down 
to  the  shore,  and  the  land  everywhere  rises  rapidly 
from  the  sea,  until  not  far  inland  the  broad  and  mighty 
wall  of  the  Cordilleran  mountain  system  extends  from 
north  to  south.  That  formidable  barrier  was  not  scaled 
by  civilized  men  until  modern  times,  when  European 
settlement  had  already  reached  the  Mississippi  from  the 
east,  and  science  had  stepped  in  to  assist  the  explorers. 
At  San  Diego  and  San  Francisco  are  the  only  natural 
harbors,  although  Puget  Sound  can  be  entered  from  the 
extreme  north,  and  skilful  improvements  have  in  our  day 
made  a good  harbor  at  the  mouth  of  Columbia  River. 
The  rivers  of  the  Pacific  Slope  for  the  most  part  come 
noisily  tumbling  down  to  the  sea  over  great  cliffs  and 
through  deep  chasms,  and  cannot  be  utilized  for  progress 
far  into  the  interior. 

The  Atlantic  seaboard,  upon  the  other  hand,  is  broad 
The  Atlantic  and  inviting.  The  Appalachian  range  lies  for 
the^natifral  the  most  part  nearly  a hundred  miles  inland. 
NorthAm°  The  gently  sloping  coast  abounds  in  inden- 
erica.  tations,  — safe  harbors  and  generous  land- 

locked bays,  into  which  flow  numerous  rivers  of  con- 


4 Land  and  Aborigines.  [Ch.  I. 

siderable  breadth  and  depth,  by  means  of  which  the 
land  can  be  explored  for  long  distances  from  tide-water. 
By  ascending  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  chain  of  the 
Great  Lakes,  the  interior  of  the  continent  is  readily 
The  river  reached.  Dragging  his  craft  over  any  one  of 
system.  a half-dozen  easy  portages  in  Wisconsin,  Illi- 
nois, Indiana,  or  Ohio,  the  canoe  traveller  can  emerge 
into  the  Mississippi  basin,  by  means  of  whose  far-stretch- 
ing waters  he  is  enabled  to  explore  the  heart  of  the  New 
World,  from  the  Alleghanies  to  the  Rockies,  from  the 
Great  Lakes  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  A carrying  trail,  at 
the  headwaters  of  the  Missouri,  will  lead  him  over  to 
tributaries  of  the  Columbia,  whereby  he  gains  access 
to  the  Pacific  slope  ; while  by  another  portage  of  a few 
miles  in  length,  from  Pigeon  River  to  Rainy  River,  he 
is  given  command  of  the  vast  basin  of  Hudson  Bay,  — 
a labyrinth  of  waterways  extending  northward  to  the 
Arctic  Ocean,  and  connected  by  still  other  portages 
with  the  Pacific.  The  Hudson  River  and  Lakes  George 
and  Champlain  form  a natural  highway  from  the  St. 
Lawrence  southward  to  the  ocean.  By  the  Mohawk 
and  a short  carrying-place,  the  Hudson  was  from  early 
times  connected  with  the  Great  Lakes.  The  Potomac, 
the  Susquehanna,  the  Roanoke,  and  other  Southern 
rivers  can  be  traced  northwestward  to  their  sources  in 
the  mountains  ; and  hard  by  are  the  headwaters  of  west- 
Tlie  Appa  fl°w'ng  feeders  of  the  Mississippi.  The  Appa- 
lachian val-  lachian  mountains  run  for  the  most  part  in 
ley  system.  para]Xej  ridges  northeast  and  southwest;  and 
their  valley  system,  opening  out  through  the  Cumberland 
Gap  upon  the  Kentucky  prairies  and  the  valleys  of  the 
Ohio  basin,  also  affords  a comparatively  easy  highway 
from  the  Atlantic  sea-coast  to  the  interior. 

Thus  with  the  entrance  of  North  America  facing  the 
east,  and  with  Europe  lying  but  little  more  than  one  half 


Ch.  I.J 


The  Atlantic  S’. ope. 


the  distance  from  Boston  that  Asia  lies  from  San  Fran- 
cisco, it  was  in  the  order  of  things  that  from  the  east 
should  have  come  the  people  who  were  to  settle  and  civil- 
ize the  New  World.  Colonists  could  on  this  side  of  the 
continent  found  new  commonwealths,  yet  at  the  same 
An  inviting  time  easily  maintain  their  connection  with  the 
Ar\dan°colo-  fatherland.  The  march  of  Aryan  emigration 
nization.  has  ever  been  on  lines  little  diverging  from 
due  east  or  west.  It  is  fortunate  that  the  geographical 
conditions  of  North  America  were  such  as  to  make  her 
an  inviting  field  for  the  further  migration  of  the  race. 

The  Atlantic  border  may  be  considered  as  the  thresh- 
old of  the  continent.  It  was  among  its  dense,  gloomy 
forests  of  hard  wood  and  pine  that  European  nations 
planted  their  colonies ; here  those  colonies  grew  into 
States,  which  were  the  nucleus  of  the  American  Union. 
The  Appalachians  are  not  high  enough  seriously  to  affect 
the  climate  or  landscape  of  th§  region.  Their  flanks 
slope  gradually  down  to  the  sea,  furrowed  by  rivers 
which  from  the  first  gave  character  to  the  colonies.  In 
New  England,  where  there  is  an  abundance  of 
good  harbors,  the  coast  is  narrow  and  the 
streams  are  short  and  rapid,  with  stretches  of 
navigable  water  between  the  waterfalls  which 
turn  the  wheels  of  industry  for  a busy,  ingenious,  and 
thrifty  people.  The  long,  broad  rivers  of  the  South, 
and  of  the  flowing  lazily  through  a wide  base-plain,  the 
South.  coast  of  which  furnishes  but  little  safe  an- 

chorage, served  as  avenues  of  traffic  for  the  large,  iso- 
lated Colonial  estates  strung  along  their  banks  ; the 
Three  <rand  autocrat'c  planters  taking  pleasure  in  having 

natural  dj-  ports  of  entry  at  their  doors.  The  Hudson 
visions  of  the  . , „ , , r . . , , 

Atlantic  and  the  Potomac  lead  far  inland, — paths  to 

slope.  the  water  ways  of  the  interior,  — and  divide 

the  Atlantic  slope  into  three  grand  natural  divisions,  the 


Geographi- 
cal charac- 
teristics of 
New  Eng- 
land ; 


Land  and  Aborigines. 


[Ch.  I 


Soil. 


Climate. 


New  England,  the  Middle,  and  the  Southern,  in  which 
grew  up  distinct  groups  of  colonies,  having  quite  a 
different  origin,  and  for  a time  but  few  interests  in  com- 
mon. The  Appalachian  mountains  and  their  foot-hills 
Extractive  abound  in  man)'  places  in  iron  and  coal ; works 
industries.  for  t[le  smelting  of  the  former  were  erected 
near  Jamestown,  Virginia,  as  early  as  1620,  and  early  in 
the  eighteenth  century  the  industry  began  to  be  of  con 
siderable  importance  in  parts  of  New  England,  New 
York,  and  New  Jersey;  but  the  mining  of  anthracite 
coal  was  not  commenced  until  1820.  The  soil 
of  the  Atlantic  border  varies  greatly,  being 
much  less  fertile  in  the  North  than  in  the  South;  but 
nearly  everywhere  it  yields  good  returns  for  a proper 
expenditure  of  labor.  The  climate  is  subject 
to  frequent  and  extreme  changes.  At  about 
30°  latitude  the  mean  temperature  is  similar  to  that  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  Atlantic;  but  farther  north  the 
American  climate,  owing  to  the  divergence  of  the  Gulf 
Stream  and  the  influence  of  the  great  continent  to  the  west, 
is  much  colder  than  at  corresponding  points  in  Europe. 
The  rainfall  along  the  coast  is  everywhere  sufficient. 

Beyond  the  Appalachian  mountain  wall,  the  once 
heavily  forested  land  dips  gently  to  the  Mississippi; 
The  Missis-  then  the  land  rises  again,  in  a long,  treeless 
sippi  basin,  swell,  up  to  the  foot  of  the  giant  and  pic- 
turesque Cordilleras.  The  isothermal  lines  in  this  great 
central  basin  are  nearly  identical  with  those  of  the 
Atlantic  coast.  The  soil  east  of  the  105th  meridian  west 
from  Greenwich  is  generally  rich,  sometimes  extremely 
fertile;  and  it  is  now  agreed  that  nearly  all  the  vast 
arid  plains  to  the  west  of  that  meridian,  formerly  set 
The  Pacific  down  as  desert,  needs  only  irrigation  to  blos- 
si°pe.  som  as  t]ie  rose.  The  Pacific  slope,  narrow 
and  abrupt,  abounds  in  fertile,  pent-up  valleys,  with  some 


Ch.  I.] 


/ 


An  Aryan  Stronghold. 

of  the  finest  scenery  on  the  continent  and  a climate 
everywhere  nearly  equal  at  the  same  elevation ; the 
isothermal  lines  here  run  north  and  south,  the  lofty 
mountain  range  materially  influencing  both  climate  and 
vegetation. 

There  is  no  fairer  land  for  the  building  of  a great 
nation.  The  region  occupied  by  the  United  States  is 
particularly  available  for  such  a purpose. 
Summary  0£fers  a w;c}e  range  0f  diversity  in  climate 
and  products,  yet  is  traversed  by  noble  rivers  which  inti- 
mately connect  the  North  with  the  South,  and  have  been 
made  to  bind  the  East  with  the  West.  It  possesses  in 
the  Mississippi  basin  vast  plains  unsurpassed  for  health, 
fertility,  and  the  capacity  to  support  an  enormous 
population,  yet  easily  defended ; for  the  great  outlying 
mountain  ranges,  while  readily  penetrated  by  bands  of 
adventurous  pioneers,  and  though  climbed  by  railway 
trains,  might  easily  be  made  serious  obstacles  to  invading 
armies.  The  natural  resources  of  North  America  are 
apparently  exhaustless;  we  command  nearly  every  North 
American  seaport  on  both  oceans,  and  withal  are  so 
isolated  that  there  appears  to  be  no  necessity  for  “entang- 
ling alliances  ” with  transatlantic  powers.  The  United 
States  seems  permitted  by  Nature  to  work  out  her  own 
destiny  unhampered  by  foreign  influence,  secure  in  her 
position,  rich  in  capabilities.  Her  land  is  doubtless 
destined  to  become  the  greatest  stronghold  of  the  Aryan 
race. 

3.  The  Native  Races. 

When  Europeans  first  set  foot  upon  the  shores  of 
America  it  was  found  not  only  that  a New  World  had 
The  abori-  been  discovered,  but  that  it  was  peopled  by 
gines.  a race  0f  men  theretofore  unknown  to  civ- 

ilized experience.  The  various  branches  of  the  race 
differed  greatly  from  each  other  in  general  appearance 


8 Land  and  Aborigines.  [Ch.  I. 

and  in  degrees  of  civilization,  and  to  some  extent  were 
settled  in  latitudinal  strata;  thus  the  reports  concerning 
them  made  by  early  navigators  who  touched  at  dif- 
ferent points  along  the  coast,  led  to  much  confusion  in 
_ . European  estimates  of  the  aborigines.  We 

into  two  now  know  that  but  one  race  occupied  the 

divisions.  jancj  £rom  Hudson  Bay  to  Patagonia.  Leav- 
ing out  of  account  the  Canb  race  of  the  West  Indies, 
the  portion  resident  in  North  and  Central  America  may 
be  roughly  grouped  into  two  grand  divisions : — 

I.  The  semi-civilized  peoples  represented  by  the  sun- 
worshipping Mexicans  and  Peruvians,  who  had  attained 
Mexicans,  particular  efficiency  in  architecture,  road- 
PueblosnS’  making,  and  fortification,  acquired  some  knowl- 
Cliff-Dwell-  edge  of  astronomy,  were  facile  if  not  elegant 
Indians  of  'a  sculpture,  practised  many  handicrafts,  but 
Mississippi  appear  to  have  exhibited  little  capacity  for 
valley  further  progress.  Their  government  was  pa- 

ternal to  a degree  nowhere  else  observed,  and  the  peo- 
ple, exercising  neither  political  power  nor  individual 
judgment  in  the  conduct  of  many  of  the  common 
affairs  of  life,  were  helpless  when  deprived  of  their 
native  rulers  by  the  Spanish  conquerors,  Cortez  and 
Pizarro.  Closely  upon  the  border  of  this  division,  both 
geographically  and  in  point  of  mental  status,  were  the 
Pueblos  and  Cliff-Dwellers  of  New  Mexico,  Arizona,  and 
Southern  California,  — the  occupants  of  the  country 
around  the  head-waters  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  Gila 
rivers,  and  of  the  foot-hills  of  the  Desert  Range.  These 
people,  like  the  Mexicans,  lived  in  great  communal 
dwellings  of  stone  or  sun-dried  brick,  and  were  also  sun- 
worshippers.  They  made  crude  cloth  and  pottery,  and 
irrigated  and  cultivated  large  tracts  of  arid  land,  but 
were  inferior  as  fighters,  and  occupied  a mental  plane 
considerably  below  the  Mexicans.  Allied  in  race  and 


Ch.  I.J 


The  A Igonkins. 


The  Red 
Indians 
of  North 
America. 


similar  in  acquirements  were  the  tribes  inhabiting  the 
lower  Mississippi  valley,  the  Natchez  and  perhaps  other 
tribes  lying  farther  to  the  east. 

II.  The  natives  of  North  America,  called  Red 
Indians,  — a name  which  perpetuates  the  geographical 
error  of  Columbus,  and  has  given  rise  to  an 
erroneous  opinion  as  to  their  color — occupied 
a still  lower  plane  of  civilization.  Yet  one 
must  be  cautious  in  accepting  any  hard-and-fast  classi- 
fication. The  North  Americans  presented  a consider- 
able variety  of  types,  ranging  from  the  Southern  Indians, 
some  of  whose  tribes  were  rather  above  the  Caribs  in 
material  advancement,  and  quite  superior  to  them  in 
mental  calibre,  down  to  the  Diggers,  the  savage  root- 
eaters  of  the  Cordilleran  region. 

The  migrations  of  some  of  the  Red  Indian  tribes  were 
frequent,  and  they  occupied  overlapping  territories,  so 
that  it  is  impossible  to  fix  the  tribal  boundaries  with  any 
degree  of  exactness.  Again,  the  tribes  were  so  merged 
by  intermarriage,  by  affiliation,  by  consolidation,  by  the 
fact  that  there  were  numerous  polyglot  villages  of  rene- 
gades, by  similarities  in  manner,  habits,  and  appearance, 
that  it  is  difficult  even  to  separate  the  savages  into 
Philological  families.  It  is  only  on  philological  grounds 
Redindian  that  these  divisions  can  be  made  at  all.  In  a 
tnbes.  general  way  we  may  say  that  between  the 
Atlantic  and  the  Rockies,  Hudson  Bay  and  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  there  were  four  Indian  languages  in  vogue, 
with  great  varieties  of  local  dialect. 

I.  The  Algonkins  were  the  most  numerous,  holding 
the  greater  portion  of  the  country  from  the  unoccupied 
The Algon-  “debatable  land”  of  Kentucky  northward  to 
klDS-  Hudson  Bay,  and  from  the  Atlantic  westward 

to  the  Mississippi.  Among  their  tribes  were  the  Nar- 
ragansetts  and  Mohicans.  These  savages  were  rude 


io  Land  and  Aborigines.  [Ch.  I. 

in  life  and  manners,  were  intensely  warlike,  depended  for 
subsistence  chiefly  on  hunting  and  fishing,  lived  in  rude 
wigwams  covered  with  bark,  skins,  or  matted  reeds,  prac- 
tised agriculture  in  a crude  fashion,  and  were  less  stable 
in  their  habitations  than  the  Southern  Indians.  They 
have  made  a larger  figure  in  our  history  than  any  other 
family,  because  through  their  lands  came  the  heaviest 
and  most  aggressive  movement  of  white  population. 
Estimates  of  early  Indian  populations  necessarily  differ, 
in  the  absence'  of  accurate  knowledge,  but  it  is  now 
known  that  the  numbers  were  never  so  great  as  was  at 
first  estimated.  The  colonists  on  the  Atlantic  seaboard 
found  a native  population  much  larger  than  elsewhere 
existed,  for  the  Indians  had  a superstitious,  almost  a 
romantic,  attachment  to  the  seaside  ; and  fish-food 
abounded  there.  Back  from  the  waterfalls  on  the  Atlantic 
slope,  — in  the  mountains  and  beyond,  — there  were  large 
areas  destitute  of  inhabitants;  and  even  in  the  nominally 
occupied  territory  the  villages  were  generally  small  and 
far  apart.  A careful  modern  estimate  is  that  the  Algon- 
kins  at  no  time  numbered  over  ninety  thousand  souls,  and 
possibly  not  over  fifty  thousand. 

II.  In  the  heart  of  this  Algonkin  land  was  planted  the 
ethnic  group  called  the  Iroquois,  with  its  several  clis- 
The  Iro-  tinct  branches,  often  at  war  with  each  other, 
quois.  -phe  craftiest,  most  daring,  and  most  intelli- 

gent of  Red  Indians,  yet  still  in  the  savage  hunter 
state,  the  Iroquois  were  the  terror  of  every  native  band 
east  of  the  Mississippi,  and  eventually  pitted  themselves 
against  their  white  neighbors.  The  five  principal  tribes 
of  this  family — Mohawks,  Oneidas,  Onondagas,  Cay- 
ugas,  and  Senecas,  all  stationed  in  paliisaded  villages 
south  and  east  of  Lakes  Erie  and  Ontario  — formed  a 
loose  confederacy,  styled  by  themselves  “ The  Long 
House,”  and  by  the  whites  “ The  Five  Nations,”  which 


Ch.  I.j 


Iroquois , Sioux , etc.  1 1 

firmly  held  the  waterways  connecting  the  Hudson  River 
and  the  Great  Lakes.  The  population  of  the  entire 
group  was  not  over  seventeen  thousand,  — a remark- 
ably small  number,  considering  the  active  part  they 
played  in  American  history,  and  the  control  which 
they  exercised  through  wide  tracts  of  Algonkin  terri- 
tory. Later  they  were  joined  by  the  Tuscaroras  from 
North  Carolina,  and  the  confederacy  was  thereafter  known 
as  “The  Six  Nations.” 

III.  The  Southern  Indians  occupied  the  country  be- 
tween the  Tennessee  River  and  the  Gulf,  the  Appalachian 
The  South-  ranges  and  the  Mississippi.  They  were  di- 
em Indians.  vided  into  five  lax  confederacies,  — the  Cher- 
okees,  Chickasaws,  Choctaws,  Creeks,  and  Seminoles. 
Of  a milder  disposition  than  their  Northern  cousins,  they 
were  rather  in  a barbarous  than  a savage  state.  The 
Creeks,  in  particular,  had  good  intellects,  were  fair  ag- 
riculturists, and  quickly  adopted  many  mechanic  and 
rural  arts  from  their  white  neighbors;  so  that  by  the 
time  of  the  Revolution  they  were  not  far  behind  the  small 
white  proprietors  in  industrial  or  domestic  methods.  In 
the  Indian  Territory  of  to-day  the  descendants  of  some 
of  these  Southern  Indians  are  good  farmers  and  herds- 
men, with  a capacity  for  self-government  and  shrewd 
business  dealing.  It  is  not  thought  that  the  Southern 
tribes  ever  numbered  above  fifty  thousand  persons. 

IV.  The  Dakotah,  or  Sioux,  family  occupied  for  the 
most  part  the  country  beyond  the  Mississippi.  They 
The  Da-  were  and  are  a fierce,  high-strung  people,  are 
kotahs.  genuine  nomads,  and  war  appears  to  have 
been  their  chief  occupation.  Before  the  advent  of  the 
Spaniards  they  were  foot-wanderers;  but  runaway  horses 
came  to  them  from  Mexico  and  from  the  exploring  ex- 
peditions of  Narvaez,  Coronado,  and  De  Soto,  and  very 
early  in  the  historic  period  the  Indians  of  the  far  western 


12 


[Ch.  I. 


Laud  and  Aborigines. 

plains  became  expert  horsemen,  attaining  a degree  of 
equestrian  skill  equal  to  that  of  the  desert-dwelling 
Arabs.  Outlying  bands  of  the  Dakotahs  once  occu- 
pied the  greater  part  of  Wisconsin  and  northern  Illinois, 
and  were,  it  is  believed  by  competent  investigators,  one 
of  the  various  tribes  of  mound-builders.  Upon  with- 
drawing to  the  west  of  the  Mississippi,  they  left  behind 
them  one  of  their  tribes,  — the  Winnebagoes,  — whom 
Nicolet  found  (1634)  resident  on  and  about  Green  Bay 
of  Lake  Michigan,  at  peace  and  in  confederacy  with  the 
Algonkins,  who  hedged  them  about.  Other  trans-Mis- 
sissippi nations  there  are,  but  they  are  neither  as  large 
nor  of  such  historical  importance  as  the  Dakotahs. 

The  above  enumeration,  covering  the  territory  south  of 
Hudson  Bay  and  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  embraces 
„ , those  savage  nations  with  which  the  white 

Other  tribes.  , ° , , , 

colonists  of  North  America  have  longest  been 
in  contact.  North  and,  west  of  these  limits  were  and  are 
other  aboriginal  tribes  of  the  same  race,  but  materially 
differing  from  those  to  whom  allusion  has  been  made,  as 
well  as  from  each  other,  in  speech,  stature,  feature,  and 
custom.  These,  too,  lie,  generally  speaking,  in  ethno- 
logical zones.  North  of  British  Columbia  are  the  fish- 
eating and  filthy  Hyperboreans,  including  the  Eskimos 
and  the  tribes  of  Alaska  and  the  British  Northwest. 
South  of  these  dwell  the  Columbians,- — the  aborigines 
of  Oregon,  Washington,  and  British  Columbia,  — a some- 
what higher  type  than  the  Hyperboreans,  but  much 
degenerated  from  contact  with  whites.  The  Californians 
are  settled  not  only  in  what  is  now  termed  California,  but 
stretch  back  irregularly  into  the  mountains  of  Oregon, 
Idaho,  Nevada,  and  Utah. 


Ch.  I.] 


Indian  Characteristics. 


13 


4.  Characteristics  of  the  Indian. 

But  of  all  the  North  American  tribes,  our  interest  in 
this  book  is  with  the  traditional  Red  Indian,  — the  savage 
of  eastern  North  America,  the  crafty  forest  warrior  whom 
our  fathers  met  on  landing,  and  whose  presence  so  ma- 
terially shaped  the  fortunes  of  the  colonies. 

First  of  all,  the  Indian  was  a hunter  and  fisherman. 
As  such,  his  life  was  a struggle  for  existence.  Enemies 
The  Indian  were  to  be  driven  from  the  tribe’s  hunting- 
as  a hunter  grounds,  but  the  game-preserves  of  other 
and  ti.-h.r.  trjbes  were  invaded  when  convenient,  and  this 
led  to  endless  feuds.  War  was  not  only  a pastime,  but 
a necessity  in  the  competition  for  food.  Villages  were 
as  a consequence  almost  invariably  built  at  vantage 
points,  — at  inlets  of  the  sea,  at  waterfalls,  on  command- 
ing banks  of  lakes  and  rivers,  on  portage  paths  between 
the  headwaters  of  streams,  arid  at  river  junctions. 
Hence  we  find  that  many,  if  not  most,  of  the  early 
white  towns,  built  before  railways  were  introduced,  are 
on  sites  originally  occupied  by  Indian  villages. 

The  political  organization  of  the  Indians  was  weak. 
The  villages  were  little  democracies,  where  one  warrior 
held  himself  as  good  as  another,  except  for  the  deference 
Political  naturally  due  to  headmen  of  the  several  clans, 
organization.  0r  to  those  of  reputed  wisdom  or  oratorical 
ability.  There  was  a sachem,  or  peace-chief,  hereditary 
in  the  female  line,  whose  authority  was  but  slight,  unless 
aided  by  natural  gifts  which  commanded  respect.  In 
times  of  war  the  fighting  men  ranged  themselves  as  volun- 
teers under  some  popular  leader,  — perhaps  a permanent 
chief ; sometimes  a warrior  without  titular  distinction. 
Much  which  appears  in  the  early  writings  about  the 
power  and  authority  of  “ nobles,”  “ kings,”  and  “ emper- 
ors ” among  tne  red  men  was  fanciful,  the  authors  falling 


ICH.  I. 


14  Land  and  Aborigines. 

into  the  error  of  judging  Indian  institutions  by  Old  World 
standards.  Around  the  village  council-fires  all  warriors 
had  a right  to  be  heard  ; but  the  talking  was  chiefly  done 
by  the  privileged  classes  of  headmen,  old  men,  wise  men, 
and  orators,  who  were  also  selected  as  the  representatives 
of  villages  in  the  occasional  deliberative  assemblies  of 
the  tribe  or  confederacy.  The  judgment  of  such  a coun- 
cil could  not  bind  the  entire  village,  tribe,  or  confederacy  ; 
any  one  might  refuse  to  obey  if  it  pleased  him.  It  was 
seldom  that  an  entire  tribe  united  in  an  important  enter- 
prise, still  more  unusual  for  several  tribes  to  stand  by 
each  other  in  adversity.  It  was  this  weakness  in  organi- 
zation, — inherent  in  a pure  democracy,  — combined  with 
their  lack  of  self-control  and  steadfastness  of  purpose, 
and  with  the  ever-prevailing  tribal  jealousies,  which 
caused  Indians  to  yield  before  the  whites,  who  better 
understood  the  value  of  adherence  in  the  face  of  a com- 
mon foe.  Here  and  there  in  our  history  we  shall  note 
some  formidable  Indian  conspiracies  for  entirely  dispos- 
sessing the  whites,  — such  as  the  Virginia  scheme  (1622), 
King  Philip’s  uprising  (1675),  and  the  Pontiac  war  (1763). 
They  were  the  work  of  native  men  of  genius  who  had 
the  gift  of  organization  highly  developed,  but  who  could 
not  find  material  equal  to  their  skill ; hence  these 
uprisings  were  short-lived. 

The  strength  of  the  Indian  as  a fighter  lay  in  his 
capacity  for  stratagem,  in  his  ability  to  thread  the  tangled 
The  Indian  thicket  as  silently  and  easily  as  he  would  an 
as  a fighter  open  plain,  in  his  powers  of  secrecy,  and  in 
his  habit  of  making  rapid,  unexpected  sallies  for  rob- 
bery and  murder,  and  then  gliding  back  into  the  dark 
and  almost  impenetrable  forest.  The  child  of  impulse, 
he  soon  tired  of  protracted  military  operations;  and  in 
a siege  or  in  the  open  usually  yielded  to  stoutly  sus- 
tained resistance  on  the  part  of  an  enemy  inferior  in 


Ch.  I.] 


Indian  Characteristics. 


*5 


numbers.  But  the  colonists  were  obliged  to  learn  and 
adopt  the  Indian’s  skulking  method  of  warfare  before 
they  could  successfully  cope  with  him  in  the  forest. 

The  Indian  was  lord  of  his  own  wigwam  and  of  the 
squaws,  whom  he  purchased  of  their  fathers,  kept  as 
Social  cha-  his  slaves,  and  could  divorce  at  his  caprice, 
ractenstics.  Families  were  not  large,  chiefly  owing  to 
the  lack  of  food  and  to  heavy  infant  mortality.  The 
wigwams,  or  huts,  — each  tribe  having  peculiarities 
in  its  domestic  architecture, — were  foully  kept,  and 
the  bodies  of  their  dirty  inhabitants  swarmed  with 
vermin.  Kind  and  hospitable  to  friends  and  unsus- 
pected strangers,  the  Indian  was  merciless  to  his  ene- 
mies, no  cruelty  being  too  severe  for  a captive.  Yet 
prisoners  were  often  snatched  from  the  stake  or  the 
hands  of  a vindictive  captor  to  be  adopted  into  the  family 
of  the  rescuer,  taking  the  place  of  some  one  slaughtered 
by  the  enemy.  In  council  and  *when  among  strangers, 
the  Indian  was  dignified  and  reserved,  too  proud  to 
exhibit  curiosity  or  emotion;  but  around  his  own  fire  he 
was  often  a jolly  clown,  much  given  to  verbosity,  and 
fond  of  comic  tales  of  doubtful  morality.  Improvidence 
was  one  of  his  besetting  sins. 

The  summer  dress  of  the  men  was  generally  a short 
apron  made  of  the  pelt  of  a wild  animal,  the  women 
being  clothed  in  skins  from  neck  to  knees; 
in  winter  both  sexes  wrapped  themselves  in 
large  robes  of  similar  material.  Indian  oratory  was 
highly  ornate;  it  abounded  in  metaphors  drawn  from  a 
minute  observance  of  nature  and  from  a picturesque 
mythology.  A belief  in  the  efficacy  of  religious  observ- 
ances was  deep  seated.  Long  fastings,  penances,  and 
. . sacrifices  were  frequent.  The  elements  were 
peopled  with  spirits  good  and  bad.  Every 
animal,  every  plant,  had  its  manitou,  or  incarnate  spirit. 


1 6 Land  and  Aborigines.  [Ch.  I. 

Fancy  ran  riot  in  superstition.  Even  the  dances  prac- 
tised by  the  aborigines  had  a certain  religious  signifi- 
cance, being  pantomimes,  and  in  some  features  resem- 
bling the  mediaeval  miracle-plays  of  Europe.  The  art  of 
Medicine  healing  was  tinctured  with  necromancy,  al- 
though there  was  considerable  virtue  in  their 
decoctions  of  barks,  roots,  and  herbs,  and  their  vapor- 
baths,  which  came  in  time  to  be  borrowed  from  them 
by  the  whites. 

In  intellectual  activity  the  red  man  did  not  occupy 
so  low  a scale  as  has  often  been  assigned  him.  He 
Intellectual  was  barbarous  in  his  habits,  but  was  so 
status.  from  choice:  it  suited  his  wild,  untrammelled 

nature.  He  understood  the  arts  of  politeness  when  he 
chose  to  exercise  them.  He  could  plan,  he  was  an  incom- 
parable tactician  and  a fair  strategist;  he  was  a natural 
logician;  his  tools  and  implements  were  admirably 
adapted  to  the  purpose-  designed;  he  fashioned  boats 
that  have  not  been  surpassed  in  their  kind;  he  was 
remarkably  quick  in  learning  the  use  of  firearms,  and 
soon  equalled  the  best  white  hunters  as  a marksman. 
A rude  sense  of  honor  was  highly  developed  in  the 
Indian;  he  had  a nice  perception  of  public  propriety;  he 
bowed  his  will  to  the  force  of  custom,  — these  character- 
istics doing  much  to  counteract  the  anarchical  tendency 
of  his  extreme  democracy.  He  understood  the  value  of 
form  and  color,  as  witness  his  rock-carvings,  his  rude 
paintings,  the  decorations  on  his  finely  tanned  leather, 
and  his  often  graceful  body  markings.  It  was  because 
the  savage  saw  little  in  civilized  ideas  to  attract  him,  that 
he  either  remained  obdurate  in  the  face  of  missionary 
endeavors,  or  simulated  an  interest  he  could  not  feel. 


Ch.  I.J 


Indians  and  Colonists. 


1 7 


5.  Relations  of  the  Indians  and  Colonists. 

The  colonists  from  Europe  met  the  Red  Indian  in  a 
threefold  capacity.  — as  a neighbor,  as  a customer  and 
trader,  and  as  a foe  opposed  to  encroach- 
an'dthe * ments  upon  his  hunting-grounds.  At  first 

colonists.  tjle  ^vhitgg  were  regarded  by  the  aborigines 

as  of  supernatural  origin,  and  hospitality,  veneration, 
and  confidence  were  displayed  toward  the  new-comers. 
Indians  as  But  the  mortality  of  the  Europeans  was  soon 
f°es.  made  painfully  evident  to  them.  When  the 

early  Spaniards,  and  afterwards  the  English,  kidnapped 
tribesmen  to  sell  them  into  slavery  or  to  use  them 
as  captive  guides  for  future  expeditions,  or  even  mur- 
dered the  natives  on  slight  provocation,  distrust  and  ha- 
tred naturally  succeeded  the  sentiment  of  awe.  Like 
many  savage  races,  like  the  earlier  Romans,  the  Indian 
looked  upon  the  member  of  e\*ery  tribe  with  which  he 
had  not  made  a formal  peace  as  a public  enemy;  hence 
he  felt  justified  in  wreaking  his  vengeance  on  the  race 
whenever  he  failed  to  find  individual  offenders.  He  was 
exceptionally  cruel,  his  mode  of  warfare  was  skulking, 
he  could  not  easily  be  got  at  in  the  forest  fastnesses 
which  he  alone  knew  well,  and  his  strokes  fell  heaviest 
on  women  and  children;  so  that  whites  came  to  fear 
and  unspeakably  to  loathe  the  savage,  and  often  added 
greatly  to  the  bitterness  of  the  struggle  by  retaliation 
in  kind.  The  white  borderers  themselves  were  frequently 
brutal,  reckless,  and  lawless;  and  under  such  conditions 
clashing  was  inevitable. 

But  the  love  of  trade  was  strong  among  the  Indians, 
The  fur-  and  caused  them  to  some  extent  to  over- 
inter ’tribal  come  or  to  conceal  their  antipathies.  There 
barter.  had  always  existed  a system  of  inter-tribal 
barter,  so  widespread  that  the  first  whites  landing 


[Ch.  I 


1 8 Land  and  Aborigines. 

on  the  Atlantic  coast  saw  Indians  with  copper  orna- 
ments and  tools  which  came  from  the  Lake  Superior 
mines;  and  by  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century 
many  articles  of  European  make  had  passed  inland,  by 
means  of  these  forest  exchanges,  as  far  as  the  Missis- 
sippi, in  advance  of  the  earliest  white  explorers.  The 
trade  with  the  Indians  was  one  of  the  incentives  to  colo- 
nization. The  introduction  of  European  blankets  at  once 
revolutionized  the  dress  of  the  coast  tribes;  and  it  is 
surprising  how  quickly  the  art  of  using  firearms  was  ac- 
quired among  fhem,  and  barbaric  implements  and  utensils 
abandoned  for  those  of  civilized  make.  So  rapid  was 
chis  change  that  it  was  not  long  before  the  Indians  be- 
came dependent  on  the  whites  for  nearly  every  article  of 
dress  and  ornament,  and  for  tools  and  weapons.  The 
white  traders,  who  travelled  through  the  woods  visiting 
the  tribes,  exchanging  these  goods  for  furs,  often  cheated 
and  robbed  the  Indian,  taught  him  the  use  of  intoxicants, 
bullied  and  browbeat  him,  appropriated  his  women,  and  in 
general  introduced  serious  demoralization  into  the  native 
camps.  Trouble  frequently  grew  out  of  this  wretched 
condition  of  affairs.  The  bulk  of  the  whites  doubtless 
intended  to  treat  the  Indian  honorably;  but  the  forest 
traders  were  beyond  the  pale  of  law,  and  news  of  the 
details  of  their  transactions  seldom  reached  the  coast 
settlements. 

As  a neighbor  the  Indian  was  difficult  to  deal  with, 
whether  in  the  negotiation  of  treaties  of  amity,  or  in 
the  purchase  of  lands.  Having  but  a loose 

The  Indian  1 , b ,, 

as  a neigh-  system  of  government,  there  was  no  really 
bor'  responsible  head,  and  no  compact  was  secure 

from  the  interference  of  malcontents  who  would  not 
be  bound  by  treaties  made  by  the  chiefs.  The  English 
felt  that  the  red-men  were  not  putting  the  land  to  its 
full  use,  that  much  of  the  territory  was  growing  up  as 


i9 


Ch.  I.]  Civilisation  against  Savagery. 

a waste,  that  they  were  best  entitled  to  it  who  could 
make  it  the  most  productive.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
earlier  cessions  of  land  were  made  under  a total  mis- 
conception: the  Indians  supposed  that  the  new-comers 
would,  after  a few  years  of  occupancy,  pass  on  and  leave 
the  tract  again  to  the  natives.  There  was  no  compromise 
possible  between  races  with  precisely  opposite  views  of 
property  in  land.  The  struggle  was  inevita- 

Theinevit-  f,  ^ 3 . ...  && 

able  struggle  ble,  — civilization  against  savagery.  No  sen- 
for  mastery.  Omental  notions  could  prevent  it.  It  was  in 
the  nature  of  things  that  the  weaker  must  give  way.  For 
a long  time  it  was  not  certain  that  a combined  effort 
might  not  drive  the  whites  into  the  sea  and  undo  the 
work  of  colonization ; but  in  the  end  the  savage  went  to 
the  wall. 

Taking  a general  view  of  the  growth  of  the  American 
nation,  it  is  now  easy  to  see  that  it  was  fortunate  that 
„ , „ Englishmen  met  in  the  Indian  so  formidable 

Good  effect  ° 

of  Indian  an  antagonist : such  fierce  and  untamed  sav- 
on^e'co'io-  ages  could  never  be  held  long  as  slaves  ; 
msts.  and  t]lus  were  the  American  colonists  of  the 

North  — the  bone  and  sinew  of  the  nation  — saved  from 
the  temptations  and  the  moral  danger  which  come  from 
contact  with  a numerous  servile  race.  Again,  every 
step  of  progress  into  the  wilderness  being  stubbornly 
contested,  the  spirit  of  hardihood  and  bravery — so  essen- 
tial an  element  in  nation-building  — was  fostered  among 
the  borderers ; and  as  settlement  moved  westward  slowly, 
only  so  fast  as  the  pressure  of  population  on  the  seaboard 
impelled  it,  the  Americans  were  prevented  from  planting 
scattered  colonies  in  the  interior,  and  thus  were  able  to 
present  a solid  front  to  the  mother-country  when,  in 
due  course  of  time,  fostering  care  changed  to  a spirit  of 
commercial  control,  and  commercial  control  to  jealous 
interference  and  menace. 


20 


Era  of  Exploration. 


[Ch.  II. 


CHAPTER  II. 

I 

DISCOVERIES  AND  EARLY  SETTLEMENTS. 
(1492-1606.) 


6.  References. 

Bibliographies.  — Justin  Winsor,  Columbus  and  Narrative  and 
Critical  History,  I.  xix-xxxvii,  33-58,  76-132,  369-444,  II.  153— 
179,  205,  III.,  7-58,  78-84,  97-104,  121-126,  184-218;  W.  E.  Foster, 
Monthly  Reference  Lists,  IV.  27-29;  J.  J.  Lalor , Cyclopedia,  I.  78; 
W.  F.  Allen,  History  Topics  ; Channingand  Hart,  Guide,  §§  81-96. 

Historical  Maps.  — No.  1,  this  volume  {Epoch  Maps,  No.  1); 
MacCoun,  Historical  Geography  of  the  United  States;  Reprints  in 
Winsor,  I.,  II.  ; Kohl,  Collections  of  Early  Maps  ; maps  in  the  school 
histories  of  Johnston,  Thomas,  Channing,  and  Scudder. 

General  Accounts. — On  the  geographical  knowledge  of  the  an- 
cients, and  pre-Columbian  discoveries  : Justin  Winsor,  Narrative  and 
Critical  History,  I.  1-33,  59-132;  Bryant  and  Gay,  Popular  History 
of  the  United  States,  I.  35-91  ; Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
Proceedings,  1890;  T.  W.  Higginson,  United  States,  27-52. — On 
the  general  topic  of  discovery  and  settlement,  from  Columbus  to 
Jamestown,  see  R.  Hildreth,  I.  33-49,  71-98;  Geo.  Bancroft,  I.  7—83; 
Justin  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical  History.  ] I.  1-504;  TllTi- 126; 
Bryant  and  Gay,  I.  92-267;  II.  553-602;  J.  A.  Doyle,  English  Colonies 
in  America,  I.  22-74;  Mass.  Hist.  Hoc..  Proceedings,  1S90;  C.  W. 
Baird,  Huguenot  Emigration  to  America;  Creighton,  Age  of  Eliza- 
beth (Epochs  of  Modern  History). 

Special  Histories. — Francis  Parkman,  Pioneers  of  France  in 
the  New  World,  28-233,  296-309  (early  French  settlement);  J.  D. 
Whitney,  United  States,  41 1-457  (Geographical  discovery  on  the 
Pacific  coast);  an  excellent  resume  in  H.  H.  Bancroft,  History  of 
California  ( Pacific  States,  XVIII.  1-33);  see  American  Historical 
Association,  Papers,  V.  441. 

Contemporary  Accounts.  — Hakluyt,  Collection  of  Voyages, 
III.,  Hakluyt  Society,  Publications ; Camden  Society,  Publications, 
lxxxvii. ; Relation  of  Captain  Gosnold’s  Voyage  (1602);  Breton, 
Brief  and  True  Relation  (1602);  Pring,  Voyage  for  the  Discovery 


1000.] 


The  Scandinavian  Claim. 


21 


of  the  North  Part  of  Virginia  (1603) ; Rosier,  True  Relation  (1605  ) ; 
Amerigo  Vespuccius,  Letters. — Reprints  in  Prince  Society,  Publica- 
tions ; American  History  told  by  Contemporaries , I.  part  ii.  ; Ameri- 
can History  Leaflets,  Nos.  1,  3,  9,  13. 

7.  Pre-Columbian  Discoveries. 

The  Basques,  Normans,  Welsh,  Irish,  and  Scandi- 
navians are  the  principal  claimants  for  the  honor  of 
discovering  America  before  Columbus ; and  there  are 
also  believers  in  early  African  migrations  to  the  western 
continent,  chiefly  influenced  by  supposed  ethnological 
and  botanical  evidences  found  in  South  America.  The 
The  Scandi-  Scandinavians  make  out  the  strongest  case, 
navian  claim.  Iceland,  so  tradition  runs,  was  first  conquered 
by  the  Britons  in  the  sixth  century.  Then  followed  a 
succession  of  Danish  and  Irish  settlements.  ' But  the 
Celts  were  driven  out  by  Ingolf,  who  led  a colony  of 
Norwegians  thither  in  875  and  founded  Reikjavik. 

The  ancient  Norse  sagas — @ral  traditions,  none  of 
which  were  fixed  in  writing  until  the  twelfth  century,  and 
most  of  them  not  until  the  fourteenth  — mention  voyages 
to  the  west  from  Iceland,  and  the  discovery  of  new  lands 
in  that  quarter  as  .early  _as_8y6.  In  985  Eric  the  Red  is 
said  to  have  led  colonies  to  this  western  land,  — by  this 
time  called  Greenland.  The  following  year  (986)  Bjarni 
Herjulfson  claimed  to  have  been  driven  by  contrary 
winds  to  a strange  shore  nine  days’  sail  southwest  from 
Greenland,  — “to  a land  flat  and  covered  with  trees.” 
Then  comes  the  familiar  story,  that  in  the  year  1000  Leif, 
son  of  Eric  the  Red,  having  come  from  Norway  and 
introduced  Christianity  into  both  Iceland  and  Greenland, 
sailed  away  to  the  southwest  with  thirty-five  companions, 
intent  on  visiting  the  country  which  Bjarni  had  discov- 
ered before  him.  They  wintered,  so  the  saga  reads,  “ at 
a place  where  a river  flowed  out  from  a lake,”  called  the 
region  Vinland  because  of  wild  grapes  growing  there, 


22 


Em  of  Exploration. 


[Ch.  II. 


“ erected  large  buildings,”  and  then  set  out  for  Green- 
land with  a cargo  of  timber,  — a commodity  much  needed 
in  the  fishing  colonies  of  the  less-favored  North.  It  is 
related  that  other  explorations  succeeded  this,  and  that 
in  1007  a temporary  settlement  was  formed  in  sunny  Vin- 
land, where  the  colonists,  nearly  one  hundred  in  number, 
“had  all  the  good  things  of  the  country,  both  of  grapes 
and  of  all  sorts  of  game  and  other  things.”  Trading  voy- 
ages to  the  new  country  now  became  frequent,  say  the 
sagas,  and  considerable  shipments  of  timber  were  made 
from  Vinland  to  Greenland.  Eric  Upsi,  a Greenland 
bishop,  is  alleged,  on  doubtful  authority,  to  have  gone  to 
Vinland  in  1121;  and  in  1347  there  is  mention  of  a 
Greenland  ship  sailing  out  there  for  a cargo  of  timber, 
— but  this  is  the  very  last  reference  to  Vinland  by  the 
Norwegian  bards. 

An  enormous  mass  of  literature  has  been  the  outgrowth 
of  these  geographical  puzzles  in  the  sagas,  and  many 
writers  have  ventured  to  identify  every  headland  and 
other  natural  object  mentioned  in  them.  The  common 

theory  among  the  advocates  of  the  Scandi- 

owy,butd"  navian  claim  is,  that  Vinland  was  somewhere 

not  improb-  on  the  coast  south  of  Labrador ; but  as  to 
able. 

the  exact  locality,  there  is  much  diversity  of 
opinion.  I There  may  easily  have  been  early  voyages  to 
the  American  mainland  south  of  Davis  Straits  by  the 
hardy  Norse  seamen  colonized  in  Iceland  and  Green- 
land, and  it  is  probable  that  there  were  numerous 
adventures  of  that  sort. ) 

The  sagas,  like  the  Homeric  tales,  were  oral  narrations 
for  centuries  before  they  were  committed  to  writing,  and 
as  such  were  subject  to  distortion  and  patriotic  and  ro- 
mantic embellishment.  It  is  now  difficult  to  separate 
in  them  the  true  from  the  false;  yet  we  have  other 
contemporaneous  evidence  (Adam  of  Bremen,  1076)  that 


iooo-I45°-] 


The  Race  for  India. 


23 


the  Danes  regarded  Vinland  as  a reality.  Pretended 
monuments  of  the  early  visits  of  Northmen  to  our  shores 
have  been  exhibited, — • notably  the  old  mill  at  Newport 
and  the  Dighton  Rock ; but  modern  scholarship  has 
determined  that  these  are  not  relics  of  the  vikings,  and 
had  a much  less  romantic  origin.  It  is  now  safe  to  say 
that  nowhere  in  America,  south  of  undisputed  traces 
in  Greenland,  are  there  any  convincing  archaeological 
proofs  of  these  alleged  centuries  of  Norse  occupation 
in  America.  \ 


8.  Early  European 


Discoveries  (1492-1512). 


But  even  granting  the  possibility,  and  indeed  the  prob- 
ability, of  pre-Columbian  discoveries,  they  bore  no  last- 
ing fruit,  and  are  merely  the  antiquarian  puzzles  and 
American  curiosities  of  American  history.  The  develop- 
development  ment  0f  the  New  World  began  with  the 
Columbus,  landing  (Oct.  12,  1492)  on  an  island  in  the 
Bahamas,  of  Christopher  Columbus,  the  agent  of  Spain. 
It  was  an  age  of  daring  maritime  adventure.  India, 
whence  Europe  obtained  her  gold  and  silks,  her  spices, 
perfumes,  and  precious  stones,  was  the  common  goal. 
For  many  centuries  the  great  trade  route  had  been 
by  caravans  from  India  overland  through  Central  Asia 
and  the  Balkan  peninsula  to  Italy,  the  Rhine  country, 
the  Netherlands,  and  beyond;  but  the  raids  of  the 
fierce  desert  tribes  and  the  capture  of  Constantinople 
(1453)  had  closed  this  path,  and  now  the  trade  passed 
through  Egypt.  With  improvements  in  the  art  of  nav- 
igation there  arose  a general  desire  to  reach  India 
by  sea.  'Three  centuries  before  Christ,  Aristotle  had 
The  race  taught  that  the  earth  was  a sphere,  and  that 
for  India.  the  waters  which  laved  Europe  on  the  west 
washed  the  eastern  shores  of  Asia.  ' Here  and  there 
through  the  centuries  others  advanced  the  same  opinion, 


jj  (jJ. 
Qt'LL.i.U 


24 


Era  of  Exploration. 


[Ch.  II. 


sailing 
westward 
to  reach 
India  not 
original  with 
Columbus. 


and  the  map  which  the  great  Italian  astronomer  Tos- 
canelli  sent  to  Columbus  (1474)  showed  China  to  be 
but  fifty-two  degrees  west  of  Europe.  The  idea  that  by 
sailing  west  India  could  be  reached,  was  therefore  quite 
familiar  to  the  contemporaries  of  Columbus,  although  he 
The  idea  of  stands  in  the  front  as  the  one  man  who  put  his 
faith  to  the  test.  The  mistake  lay  in  the  cur- 
rent calculations  regarding  the  size  of  the  earth. 
Instead  of  being  only  three  thousand  miles  to 
the  west,  Asia  was  twelve  thousand,  and  the 
continent  of  America  blocked  the  way.  It  is  probable 
that  Columbus  went  to  his  grave  still  firm  in  the  belief 
that  he  had  reached  the  confines  of  India,  — indeed,  the 
names  he  gave  to  the  islands  and  to  the  strange  people 
who  inhabited  them  stand  as  enduring  evidence  of  his 
geographical  error. 

The  Portuguese,  on  the  other  hand,  sought  India  by 
the  southeast  passage/  around  the  continent  of  Africa, 
and  had  been  creeping  southward  along  the  African  coast 
for  several  years  before  Spain  sent  Columbus  to  reach 
Asia  by  the  west.  Thus  in  the  race  for  India  and  the 
discovery  of  intermediate  lands,  the  Portuguese  and  the 
Spanish  had  adopted  opposite  routes.  Pope  Alexander 
Pope  Alex-  VI.  now  issued  his  famous  bull  (May  4,  1493)) 
ander’s  bull,  partitioning  the  un-Christian  world  into  two 
parts,  — Spain  to  have  lands  west  of  an  imaginary  merid- 
ian 100  leagues  west  of  Cape  de  Verde  islands,  and  -Por- 
tugal those  to  the  east— a simple  arrangement,  on  paper. 
Next  year,  by  agreement,  the  line  was  moved  to  .22 9 
leagues  westward,  but  it  was  still  supposed  to  be  in  mid- 
ocean. By  this  change,  however,  the  eastern  part  of  what 
is  now  Brazil  fell  to  Portugal. 

England,  although  still  Catholic,  was  not  disposed  to 
allow  Spain  and  Portugal  to  monopolize  between  them 
those  portions  of  the  earth  which  Europeans  had  not 


1474-1501] 


The  Cabots. 


25 


fc. 


England 
sends  out 


yet  seen ; and  we  are  told  that  there  was  grievous  dis- 
appointment at  the  court  of  London  because  Spain  had 
been  the  path-breaker  to  the  west.  In  1497 
John  Cabot  set  sail  from  England  armed  with 
John  Cabot.  a tracjing  charter,  to  endeavor  to  reach  Asia 
by  way  of  the  northwest.  He  had  knowledge  of  the 
exploit  of  Columbus,  and  may  well  have  heard  of  the 
Scandinavian  discovery  of  Vinland.  Early  in  the  morn- 
ing of  the  24th  of  June  he  sighted  the  gloomy  head- 
lands of  Cape  Breton,  — the  first  known  European  to 
make  this  important  discovery.  It  is  on  record  that 
“ great  honors  ” were  heaped  upon  the  adventurous 
mariner  upon  his  return  to  England,  and  that  the  gen 
erous  king  gave  11  ^10  to  him  that  found  the  new 
isle." 

( The  year  1498  was  one  of  the  most  notable  in  the  long 
and  splendid  history  of  maritime  discovery^  Young 
Portugal  Vasco  da  Gama,  of  Portugal,  turned  the  Cape 
Indiaby the  Good  Hope,  and  gayly  sailed  his  little  fleet 
southeast.  into  the  harbor  of  Calicut  (May  20).  At  last 
India  had  been  discovered  by  the  southeast  passage  : 
Portugal  had  first  reached  the  goal.  In  May,  also,  Co- 
lumbus set  forth  upon  his  third  voyage,  during  which 
he  first  discovered  the  mainland  of  South  America;  and 
in  the  same  month  John  Cabot’s  second  son,  Sebastian, 
left  Bristol  in  the  hope  of  finding  the  northwest  pas- 

„ , sage,  which  his  father  had  failed  to  reach,  and 

Sebastian  , , 

Cabot’s  which  was  undiscovered  until  our  own  times 
voyage.  (1S50).  Icebergs  turned  Sebastian  southward, 
and  he  explored  the  American  shores  down  to  the  vicin- 
ity of  Chesapeake  Bay.  From  this  voyage  sprang  the 
claim  under  which  the  English  colonies  in  North  America 
were  founded. 

( Three  years  later  (1501)  a Portuguese  mariner, 
Gaspar  Cortereal,  explored  the  American  coast  south  of 


26 


[Ch.  II. 


Era  of  Exploration. 

the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  for  a long  distance.  By  1504 
we  know  that  fishermen  from  Brittany  and  Normandy 
Newfound-  were  at  Newfoundland,  and  from  that  time 
colonial3  forward  there  appear  to  have  been  more  or 
nucleus.  less  permanent  colonies  of  fishermen  there, — 
French,  Portuguese,  Spanish,  and  English,  — with  their 
little  huts  and  drying  scaffolds  clustered  along  the  shores. 
Newfoundland  proved  valuable  as  a supply  and  repair 
station  for  future  explorers  and  colonizers.  It  was 
the  nucleus  of  both  French  and  English  settlement  in 
America.  ( By  1578  there  were  no  less  than  one  hundred 
and  fifty  French  vessels  alone  employed  in  the  New- 
foundland fisheries,  and  a good  trade  with  the  Indians 
had  been  established.1 

The  idea  that  America  was  but  a projection  of  Asia 
possessed  all  the  early  explorers ; and  indeed  it  was 
Searching  a century  and  a half  later  ( 1 728)  before  Bering 
for  a short  sailed  from  -the  Pacific  Ocean  to  the  Arctic 

cut  through  . 

America.  and  proved  that  America  was  insulated.  There 
was  another  geographical  error,  which  took  even  a longer 
time  to  explode,  — the  notion  that  a waterway  somewhere 
extended  through  the  American  continent,  uniting  the 
Atlantic  and  the  Pacific.  John  Smith  and  other  English 
colonists  thought  that  by  ascending  the  James,  the  York, 
the  Potomac,  the  Roanoke,  or  the  Hudson,  they  could 
emerge  with  ease  upon  waters  flowing  to  the  ocean  of  the 
west.  (Champlain  sent  (1634)  the  fur-trader  Nicolet  up 
the  Ottawa  River  and  the  Great  Lakes  into  Wisconsin, 
which  he  thought  to  be  Asia;  and  Joliet  and  Marquette 
(1673)  imagined  they  had  found  the  highway  thither  when 
their  birch-bark  canoes  glided  into  the  upper  Mississippi 
at  Prairie  du  Chien.  ) 

One  hundred  and  seven  years  before  the  Pilgrims 
landed  at  Plymouth  Rock,  Balboa  scaled  the  continental 
backbone  at  Darien  (1513),  and  in  the  name  of  Spain 


1504-1525]- 


2 7 


The  Spaniards. 

claimed  dominion  over  the  waters  of  the  Pacific.  With 
-undaunted  zeal  did  Spanish  explorers  then  beat  up  and 
down  the  western  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  vainly 
seeking  for  a passage  through  by  water.  A great  stim- 
ulus had  now  been  given  to  the  general  desire  to  reach 
India  by  sea;  for  the  Turks  were  overrunning  Egypt 
(1512-1520)  and  despoiling  the  caravans  from  the  East, 
so  that  the  manufactures  and  trade  of  western  Europe 
were  sadly  crippled.  But  thus  far  Portugal  alone  held 
the  key  to  the  sea-route  to  India. 

9.  Spanish  Exploration  of  the  Interior  (1513-1542). 

This  same  year  (1513)  was  notable  also  for  the  first 
visit  made  by  Spaniards  to  the  mainland  of  North  Amer- 
Ponce  da  >ca-  P°nce  de  Leon,  a valiant  soldier  worn 
Leon^in  out  in  long  service,  and  who  had  been  serving 
as  governor  of  Porto  Rico,  went  to  the  Florida 
mainland,  where  a popular  legend.said  there  was  a foun- 
tain giving  forth  waters  capable  of  recuperating  life. 
The  country  was  ablaze  with  brilliant  flowers,  but  the 
elixir  of  life  was  not  there,  and  he  returned  disappointed. 

In  1 5 T9  Pineda,  another  Spaniard,  explored  the  north- 
ern shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  The  following  year 
TT  . (1520)  a slave-hunting  expedition,  under  Vas- 

South  Caro-  quez,  visited  the  coast  of  South  Carolina, 
which  the  commander  styled  Chicora.  The 
brilliant  conquest  of  Mexico  by  Cortez  (1519-1521)  had 
made  that  hardy  adventurer  the  hero  of  Christendom; 
and  in  the  hope  of  rivalling  his  splendid  achievement, 
Vasquez  returned  to  Chicora  in  1525,  commissioned  by 
Charles  V.  as  governor  of  the  country.  But  Chicora 
was  not  Mexico,  and  the  Red  Indians  were  of  a dif- 
ferent temper  from  the  Aztecs.  The  expedition  met  with 
disaster.  While  Vasquez  was  fighting  the  embittered 
savages  in  South  Carolina,  Gomez,  also  in  behalf  of 


28 


[Ch  II. 


Era  of  Exploratio7i. 


3?-V> 


Spain,  was  ranging  along  the  Atlantic  coast  from  New- 
foundland to  New  Jersey,  and  instituting  a successful 
trade  with  the  natives. 

In  April,  1528,  Narvaez,  with  three  hundred  m*-1  -i. 
astic  young  nobles  and  gentlemen  from  Spa' 
at  Tampa  Bay  and  renewed  his  sovereign’s  claim  to 
XI  . Florida  and  its  supposed  wealth  of  mines 
the  Florida  and  precious  stones.  Led  by  the  fables  of  the 
wily  native  guides,  who  were  careful  to  tell 
what  their  Spanish  tormentors  wished  most  to  hear, 
they  floundered  hither  and  thither  through  the  great 
swamps  and  forests,  continually  wasted  by  fatigue,  famine, 
disease,  and  frequent  assaults  of  savages.  At  last,  after 
many  distressing  adventures,  but  four  men  were  left  out 
of  this  brilliant  company,  — Cabeza  de  Vaca,  treasurer  of 
the  expedition,  and  three  companions.  For  eight  years 
did  these  four  bruised  and  ragged  Spaniards  wearily 
roam  through  the  region  now  divided  into  Texas,  In- 
dian Territory,  New  Mexico,  and  Arizona,  — through  en- 
tangled forests,  across  broad  rivers  and  desert  stretches 
beset  with  wild  beasts  and  wilder  men,  but  ever  spurred 
on  by  vague  reports  of  a colony  of  their  countrymen  in 
the  far  southwest.  At  last  (May,  1536),  the  miserable 
wanderers  reached  Culiacan,  on  the  Gulf  of  California, 
whence  they  were  borne  in  triumph  to  the  city  of  Mexico 
as  the  guests  of  the  province. 

Their  coming  revived  the  shadowy  native  tales  of  gold 
mines  and  wealthy  cities  to  the  north,  which  had  for 
Spaniards  some  years  been  exciting  the  cupidity  of  the 
reaching  conquerors  of  Mexico.  In  response  to  these 
”rl  * rumors  there  had  been  frequent  Teachings  out 
Mexico.  northward.  In  1528  Cortez  had  despatched 
Maldonado  up  along  the  Pacific  coast  for  three  hundred 
miles.  Two  years  later  (1530)  Guzman  penetrated  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Gulf  of  California  and  established  the  town 


1528-154°-]  Seven  Cities  of  Cibola. 


29 


of  Culiacan.  Cortez  again  had  vessels  on  the  Pacific 
in  1532,  and  by  153 5 his  lieutenants  were  claiming  for 
him  the  Lower  California  peninsula.  It  is  possible  that 
0 «aisK  vessels  coasted  northward  beyond  the  Columbia; 
‘isi • .ittws  of  their  discoveries  reached  the  geographers 
in  Europe. 

It  was  in  1530  that  specific  reports  first  came,  through 
native  slaves,  of  seven  great  cities  of  stone-built  houses 
„ c a few  hundred  miles  north  of  the  capital  of 
Cities  of  the  Aztecs,  where  the  inhabitants  had  such  a 
profusion  of  gold  and  silver  that  their  house- 
hold utensils  were  made  of  those  metals.  The  search 
for  “the  seven  cities  of  Cibola,”  as  these  alleged  com- 
munities came  to  be  called  by  the  Spaniards,  wras  at 
once  begun.  Guzman,  just  then  at  the  head  of  affairs 
in  New  Spain,  led  northward  a considerable  expedition 
of  Spanish  soldiers  and  Indians,  which  suffered  great 
hardships,  but  failed  to  discover  Cibola. 

Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  fellow-adventurers  claimed, 
upon  their  arrival,  to  have  themselves  seen  the  seven 
Coronado’s  cities ; and  they  enlarged  on  the  previous 
march.  stories.  Coronado,  governor  of  the  northern 
province  of  New  Gallicia,  was  accordingly  sent  to  con- 
quer this  wonderful  country  which  Guzman  had  failed 
to  find.  Early  in  1540  he  set  out  with  a well-equipped 
following  of  three  hundred  Spaniards  and  eight  hun- 
dred Indians.  The  Cibola  cities  were  found  to  be 
but  pueblos  in  Arizona  or  New  Mexico,  like  the  com- 
munal dwellings  of  the  Moquis  and  Zunis,  with  the 
aspect  of  which  we  are  so  familiar  to-day ; while  the 
mild  inhabitants,  destitute  of  wealth,  peacefully  prac- 
tising their  crude  industries  and  tilling  their  irrigated 
fields,  were  foemen  hardly  worthy  of  Castilian  steel. 
Disappointed,  but  still  hoping  to  find  the  country  of 
gold,  Coronado’s  gallant  little  army,  frequently  thinned 


30 


[Ch.  II. 


Era  of  Exploration. 

by  death  and  desertion,  beat  for  three  years  up  and 
down  the  southwestern  wilderness,  — now  thirsting  in  the 
deserts,  now  penned  up  in  gloomy  canons,  now  crawling 
over  pathless  mountains,  suffering  the  horrors  of  starva- 
tion and  of  despair,  but  following  this  will-o’-the-wisp 
with  a melancholy  perseverance  seldom  seen  in  man  save 
when  searching  for  some  mysterious  treasure.  Coronado 
apparently  crossed  the  State  of  Kansas  twice;  “through 
mighty  plains  and  sandy  heaths,  smooth  and  wearisome 
and  bare  of  wood.  . . . All  that  way  the  plains  are  as 
full  of  crookback  oxen  as  the  mountain  Serena  in  Spain 
is  of  sheep.  . . . They  were  a great  succor  for  the  hun- 
ger and  want  of  bread  which  our  people  stood  in.  One 
day  it  rained  in  that  plain  a great  shower  of  hail  as  big 
as  oranges,  which  caused  many  tears,  weaknesses,  and 
vows.”  The  wanderer  ventured  as  far  as  the  Missouri, 
and  would  have  gone  still  farther  eastward  but  for  his 
inability  to  cross  the  swollen  river.  Co-operating  parties 
explored  the  upper  valleys  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  Gila, 
ascended  the  Colorado  for  two  hundred  and  forty  miles 
above  its  mouth,  and  visited  the  Grand  Canon  of  the 
same  river.  Coronado  at  last  returned,  satisfied  that 
he  had  been  made  the  victim  of  travellers’  idle  tales. 

^ He  was  rewarded  with  contumely  and  lost  his  place  as 
governor  of  New  Gallicia ; but  his  romantic  march  stands 
in  history  as  one  of  the  most  remarkable  exploring 
expeditions  of  modern  times. ) 

Early  in  the  summer  of  1539  Hernando  de  Soto,  the 
favorite  of  Pizarro  in  the  conquest  of  Peru  (1532),  an- 
chored his  fleet  in  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo, 
De  Soto  . . . . . . , , 

follows  Florida,  determined  to  gam  independent  renown 

Narvaez.  as  tiie  conqueror  0f  the  North  American  wilds. 
His  was  a much  larger  and  better-equipped  party  than 
had  subjugated  either  Mexico  or  Peru.  But  he  met 
the  fate  of  Narvaez.  False  Indian  guides  led  him  hither 


1540-1687.] 


De  Soto. 


3i 


and  thither  through  the  swamps  and  moss-grown  jungles 
of  the  Gulf  region,  and  the  survivors  formed  a sorry 
company  indeed  when  the  Mississippi  River  was  reached 
(April,  1541),  — probably  at  the  lowest  Chickasaw  Bluff, 
— after  two  years  of  fruitless  wandering.  The  next 
winter,  still  betrayed  by  his  savage  guides  and  harassed 
by  attacks  from  other  natives,  he  spent  upon  the  Washita, 
but  despairing  of  reaching  Mexico  by  land,  he  returned 
to  the  Mississippi,  where  he  died  of  swamp-fever  (May 
2i,  1542).  The  great  river  he  had  discovered  was  his 
tomb.  His  wretched  followers,  by  this  time  much  re- 
duced in  numbers,  descended  the  stream,  and  after  great, 
hardships  finally  reached  the  Mexican  coast-settlements 
in  September. 


10.  Spanish  Colonies  (1492-1687). 


jro 


A half  century  had  now  passed  since  the  advent  of 
Columbus  in  the  Bahamas ; yet  upon  the  mainland  to  the 
nprfh,  Spain  as  yet  held  neither  harbor,  fort,  nor  settle- 
ment. In  the  southwest,  the  proximity  of  Mexico  and  the 
milder  character  of  the  natives  made  it  easier  to  maintain 
a settlement  in  what  is  now  United  States  territory.  In 
1582,  forty  years  after  Coronado’s  march,  Franciscan 
Spanish  friars  opened  missions  in  the  valleys  of  the 


the  Cibola  of  old. 


friars  in  the  Rio  Grande  and  the  Gila^- 

southnest.  c;jxteen  years  later  ( i SOS')  Santa  Fe  was  estab- 
lished as  the  seat  of 


Spanish  power  in  the  north ; by 
1630  this  power  was  at  its  highest  in  New  Mexico  and 
Arizona,  fifty  missions  administering  religious  instruction 
to  ninety  Pueblo  towns.  In  1687  the  chain  of  missions  had 
reached  the  Gulf  of  California,  and  then  slowly  extended 
northward  along  the  Pacific  coast  till  San  Francisco, 
with  its  system  of  Indian  vassalage,  was  established  in 
1776.  In  Florida,  after  the  extermination  of  the  French 
Huguenot  colony  in  1564,  Spain  made  wholesale  claims 


32 


Era  of  Exploration.  [Ch.  II. 

to  all  that  region;  but  De  Gourgues  dealt  her  settle- 
ments a staggering  blow,  and  she  seemed  thereafter  in- 
Spain’s  capable  of  further  colonizing  the  province.  At 

American  * £ . . 0 1 

possessions  the  close  ot  the  sixteenth  century  Spain  held 
sixteenth  but  few  Points  in  what  >s  M'v  the  United 
century.  States,  — Santa  Fd  in  New  Mexico,  a few 
scattering  missions  along  the  Gila  and  Rio  Grande,  and 
St.  Augustine  in  Florida. 

The  French  in  North  America  (1524-1550). 

The  French  were  not  far  behind  the  Spanish  in  their 
attempts  to  colonize  North  America.  In  1524  John 
The  French  Verrazano,  a Florentine  in  the  employ  of 
enter  the  Francis  I , while  seeking  the  supposed  water 
passage  throngh  America  to  China,  explored 
the  coast  from  about  Wilmington,  N.  C.,  to  Newfound- 
land. Ten  years  later  (1534)  Jacques  Cartier,  a St. 
Malo  seaman,  sailed  up  the  north  shore  of  the  estuary 
of  the  St.  Lawrence  “until  land  could  be  seen  on  either 
Cartier  at  side.”  The  next  year  he  was  back  again,  and 

Montreal;  ascended  to  the  first  rapids  at  La  Chine, 

naming  the  island  mountain  there,  Mont-Rdal.  Having 
spent  the  winter  in  this  inhospitable  region,  his  reports 
were  such  as  to  discourage  for  a time  further  attempts 
at  colonization  in  America  by  the  French,  who  were  just 
now  engaged  at  home  in  serious  difficulties  with  Spain. 

A truce  being  at  last  declared  between  France  and 
Spain,  Cartier  was  made  captain-general  and  chief  pilot 
of  an  American  colonizing  expedition  which  Francis 
allowed  the  lord  of  Roberval  to  undertake.  But  this 
conflict  of  authority  was  distasteful  to  both  Cartier  and 
Roberval,  and  the  former  started  off  before  his  chief  in 
May,  1 541.  He  built  a fort  near  Quebec,  but  a year  later 
returned  to  France,  just  before  Roberval  arrived  with 
reinforcements  for  the  colony.  The  latter  remained  for 


33 


1527 -1 564  ] The  Fretich  in  Florida. 

a year  in  America  before  returning  home,  and  it  is  thought 
that  he  visited  Massachusetts  Bay  in  his  voyages  along- 
shore. France  was  now  ablaze  with  civil  war, 
and  Quebec.  an(j  the  Huguenots,  with  their  independent 
notions,  were  engaging  all  the  resources  of  the  royal 
power,  so  that  further  American  discoveries  were  for  the 
time  postponed.  fThe  Newfoundland  industry,  however, 
grew  apace,  for  the  Church  prescribed  a fish  diet  on  cer- 
tain days  and  at  certain  seasons,  and  the  consumption  of 
salted  fish  in  Europe  had  grown  to  be  enormous.  Breton 
vessels  were  from  the  first  prominent  in  the  traffic. 

12.  French  Attempts  to  colonize  Florida  (1562-1568). 

Admiral  Coligny,  the  great  Huguenot  leader,  was  am- 
bitious to  establish  a colony  of  French  Protestants  in 
Co!i<-ny’s  America  which  should  be  a refuge  for  his  per- 
P>l0nRat  1 secuted  countrymen  whenever  it  became  desir- 
PortRojal  for  them  to  seek  .new  seats.  Jean  Ribaut 

went  out  under  his  auspices  in  1562,  discovered  St.  John’s 
River  in  Florida,  went  up  Broad  River,  named  the  country 
Carolina,  after  the  boy-king,  Charles  IX.,  and  left  twenty- 
six  colonists  at  Port  Royal,  on  Lemon  Island.  But  the 
settlers  soon  tired  of  their  enterprise,  and  the  following 
year  set  out  for  home.  An  English  cruiser  captured  the 
party  on  the  high  sea  when  it  was  reduced  to  the  last 
extremity  for  want  of  food.  The  more  exhausted  of  the 
company  were  landed  in  France;  the  rest  were  taken  to 
England. 

The  succeeding  season  (1564),  another  colonizing  expe- 
dition, made  up  of  Protestants,  headed  by  Rene  Goulaine 
Laudonmire  de  Laudonnibre,  and  aided  by  the  king,  sought 
m Flonda,  Carolina.  Avoiding  Port  Royal  as  ill-omened, 
they  established  themselves  on  St.  John’s  River.  The 
emigrants  were  a dissolute  set,  as  emigrants  were  apt 
to  be  in  an  age  when  the  sweepings  of  European  jails 
3 


Cnu 


34 


|Ch.  II. 


Era  of  Exploration. 

and  gutters  were  thought  to  furnish  good  colonizing 
material  for  America.  Laudonni£re  hung  some  of  his 
followers  for  piracy  against  Spanish  vessels;  others  were 
captured  in  the  act  by  the  Spaniards,  and  sold  into  slavery 
in  the  West  Indies.  What  remained  of  the  colony  soon 
lost,  through  dishonesty  and  severity,  the  respect  of  the 
Indians,  who  had  at  first  received  the  intruders  kindly. 
When,  in  August,  1565,  Sir  John  Hawkins,  the  noted 
slaver  and  navigator,  appeared  with  his  fleet,  he  was  able 
to  render  the  now  half-starved  settlers  most  needed  help. 
Ribaut  soon  came  also,  with  recruits,  provisions,  seeds, 
domestic  animals,  and  farming  implements,  greatly  to  the 
joy  of  the  little  colony. 

But  this  happiness  was  not  of  long  duration.  The 
attention  of  Philip  II.  of  Spain  was  at  length  called  to  this 
colony  of  French  heretics  which  was  gaining  a foothold 
upon  his  domain  of  Florida.  In  August,  1565,  his 
agent,  Pedro  Melendez  de  Aviles,  appeared  on  the  scene 
and  announced  his  purpose  to  “gibbet  and  behead  all  the 
Protestants  in  these  regions.1’  Melendez  established  St. 
The  Spanish  Augustine,  which  is  thus  the  oldest  town  in 
massacre.  the  United  States  east  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
then  with  blood  thirsty  deliberateness  proceeded  to  wipe 
the  French  settlement  out  of  existence.  French  writers 
claim  that  nine  hundred  persons  were  cruelly  massacred ; 
and  the  Spanish  estimate  is  not  far  below  that  number. 

A Gascon  soldier,  Dominic  de  Gourgues,  soon  came 
over  (1567)  to  avenge  the  wrong  done  his  fellow-Hugue- 
The  Hugue  nots-  He  captured  all  the  Spanish  establish- 
nots  ments  left  by  Melendez,  except  St.  Augustine, 

avenged  when  ]ie  found,  the  following  year,  that  he 
could  not  hold  his  prizes,  he  hung  the  Spanish  prisoners  to 
trees  and  hastened  back  to  France.  His  king,  however, 
being  under  the  influence  of  Spain,  disavowed  this  act  of 
reprisal,  and  relinquished  all  further  claim  to  Florida. 


1564-1604.1 


De  Monts. 


35 


13.  The  French  in  Canada  (1589-1608). 

The  colonial  policy  of  Henri  IV.  (1589-1610)  was 
more  progressive  and  enlightened  than  that  of  his  im- 
mediate predecessors  on  the  throne  of  France.  But  he 
had  not  yet  learned  what  succeeding  generations  were 
to  discover  to  their  cost,  — that  criminals  and  paupers 
do  not  make  good  colonists.  In  1598  the  familiar  error 
De  la  was  repeated,  when  the  Marquis  de  la  Roche 

fatecf  veV-1'  t00^  out  a comPany  of  forty  jail-birds,  liber- 
ture.  ated  for  the  purpose,  and  landed  them  on 

the  dreary,  storm-washed  Isle  of  Sable,  off  the  Nova 
Scotia  coast,  where,  eighty  years  earlier  (1518),  the  Baron 
de  Lery  had  made  a vain  attempt  to  start  a colony.  La 
Roche,  beggared  on  his  return  home,  was  unable  to  suc- 
cor his  colonists,  who  on  their  inhospitable  sands  lived 
more  like  beasts  than  men.  Five  years  later  the  twelve 
skin-clad  survivors  were  picked,  up  by  a chance  vessel 
and  taken  back  to  France,  to  tell  a tale  of  almost 
matchless  horror. 

It  was  an  age  of  licensed  commercial  monopolies,  as 
well  as  of  other  economic  experiments.  In  the  year  1600 
Chauvin  obtained  the  exclusive  right  to  prosecute  the 
fur-trade  in  the  New  Land  to  the  west,  and  united  with 
him  a St.  Malo  merchant,  Pontgravd.  They  made  two 
lucrative  voyages,  but  established  no  settlement.  Samuel 
de  Champlain,  in  Pontgrave’s  company,  went  out  in  1603, 
Champlain’s  ascending  the  St.  Lawrence  as  far  as  Montreal, 
first  voyage  Later  (this  same  year)  De  Monts,  a Calvinist, 
was  given  the  viceroyalty  and  the  fur-trade  monopoly  of 
Acadia,  — between  the  fortieth  and  sixtieth  degrees  of 
De  Monts’  latitude,  — and  religious  freedom  was  granted 
colony  there  for  Huguenots,  though  the  Indians  were 
to  be  instructed  in  the  Romish  faith  De  Monts  and 
his  strangely  assorted  party  of  vagabonds  and  gentlemen 


[Ch.  II. 


3 6 Era  of  Exploration. 

first  settled  on  an  island,  near  the  present  boundary 
between  Maine  and  New  Brunswick,  in  the  fall  of 
1604,  but  the  following  spring  moved  to  Port  Royal, — 
now  Annapolis,  Nova  Scotia.  This,  the  first  French 
agricultural  colony  yet  planted  in  America,  suffered  dis- 
aster after  disaster ; but  although  Port  Royal  was  aban- 
doned in  1607,  the  germ  of  colonization  lived.  In  1608, 
Quebec  Champlain  — who  had,  four  years  before,  while 
established.  jn  qie  employ  of  De  Monts,  explored  the 
coast  as  far  south  as  Cape  Cod  — set  up  a permanent 
French  post  upon  the  gloomy  cliff  at  Quebec.  Soon 
the  Jesuits  came;  and  by  the  lime  the  “Mayflower1' 
had  reached  New  England,  New  France  was  established 
beyond  a doubt,  and  French  influence  was  penetrating 
inland.  Wandering  savages  from  the  Upper  Lakes, 
nearly  a thousand  miles  in  the  interior,  had  at  last  seen 
the  white  man  and  begun  to  feel  his  power. 

14  English  Exploration  (1498-1584). 

England  would  have  followed  up  Cabot’s  discovery  of 
North  America  with  more  vigor  had  not  Henry  VII., 
English  in-  being  a Catholic  prince,  hesitated  to  set  aside 
Newfound  ^le  P0!^’8  bull  giving  the  new  continent  to 
land.  Spain.  His  subjects,  however,  made  large 

hauls  of  fish  along  the  foggy  shores  of  Newfoundland, 
and  in  1502  some  American  savages  were  exhibited  to 
him  in  London.  Henry  VIII.  was  at  first  similarly 
scrupulous;  but  when,  in  1533,  he  got  rid  of  his  queen, 
Catharine  of  Aragon,  he  was  free  from  Spanish  en- 
tanglements, and  aspired  to  make  England  a maritime 
nation.  Among  many  other  enterprises  the  northwest 
passage  allured  him,  although  nothing  came  of  his  ven- 
tures in  that  direction.  With  the  accession  of  Edward  VI. 
{1547)  a progressive  era  opened.  The  Newfoundland 


1 5S7— 1605.]  Gilbert  and  Raleigh. 


37 


fisheries  were  now  so  effectively  encouraged  that  by  1574, 
under  Elizabeth,  from  thirty  to  fifty  English  ships  were 
making  annual  trips  to  the  Grand  Banks. 

The  most  popular  ventures  among  the  nobles  of  Eliza- 
beth’s court  were  the  northwest  passage,  American  coloni- 
El'zabeth’s  zat’on>  and  freebooting  voyages.  Writers  of 
courtiers  voyages  and  travels  and  cartographers  sprang 
wards  Amer-  up  on  every  hand,  the  most  noteworthy  being 
lca  Richard  Eden,  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  Richard 

Hakluyt,  and  Martin  Frobisher.  Patronized  by  the 
powerful  Earl  of  Warwick,  Frobisher  in  three  succes- 
sive voyages  (1576-157S)  vainly  sought  gold  in  Labra- 
dor. Francis  Drake,  on  his  famous  buccaneering  tour 
around  the  world,  explored  the  Pacific  coast  of  the 
United  States  as  far  north  as  Cape  Blanco  (1579), 
unsuccessfully  searching  for  a short  cut  by  water  through 
the  continent. 

Gilbert  saw  that  Newfoundland  must  thereafter  be 
considered  as  the  nucleus  of  English  settlement  in  Amer- 
Gilbert’s  ica ; and  in  1579  Sir  Humphrey,  himself  a 
voyage.  soldier  and  a member  of  Parliament,  accom- 

panied by  his  step-brother,  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  went 
out  to  lead  the  way.  Storms  and  other  disasters  drove 
them  back,  and  it  was  1583  before  another  squadron 
could  be  equipped.  Raleigh  remained  in  England ; but 
Gilbert  landed  at  St.  John’s,  where  he  found  that  four 
hundred  vessels  of  various  nationalities,  mainly  Spanish 
and  Portuguese,  were  annually  engaged  in  the  fisheries. 
He  took  possession  of  the  island  for  the  queen,  exam- 
ined the  neighboring  mainland,  and  freighted  his  ships 
with  glistening  rock,  ignorantly  declared  by  an  unskilful 
expert  accompanying  the  expedition  to  contain  silver. 
Upon  the  return  voyage  the  vessel  carrying  Gilbert  was 
lost,  the  companion  ship,  with  its  worthless  cargo, 
reaching  Falmouth  safely. 


38  Em  of  Exploration.  [Ch.  II. 

15.  English  Attempts  to  colonize  (15b4-1606). 

Under  Raleigh’s  auspices  two  vessels  set  out  in  1584, 
commanded  by  Philip  Amadas  and  Arthur  Barlowe. 
Amadasand  They  landed  at  the  island  of  Roanoke,  the 
Barlowe.  southernmost  of  the  reefs  enclosing  Albemarle 
Sound,  in  North  Carolina;  but  although  charmed  with 
the  country,  which  they  declared  to  be  “ the  most  plen- 
tiful, sweet,  fruitful,  and  wholesome  of  all  the  world,” 
and  well  treated  by  the  Indians,  — “people  most  gentle, 
loving,  and  faithful,”  — they  made  no  settlement,  and 
returned  to  England.  Raleigh,  however,  was  pleased  by 
the  reports  brought  back;  he  was  knighted,  his  claim 
was  confirmed,  he  named  the  country  Virginia,  in  token 
of  his  virgin  queen,  and  he  entertained  visions  of  estab- 
lishing a considerable  province  there,  and  of  enjoying  a 
comfortable  rent-roll. 

In  1585,  aided  by  the  queen,  he  sent  out  seven  ves- 
sels and  one  hundred  and  eight  colonists,  the  fleet  being 
Raleigh’s  commanded  by  Sir  Richard  Grenville,  and  the 
first  colony,  intending  settlers  by  Ralph  Lane,  a soldier  of 
much  merit.  Few  maritime  enterprises  were  sent  out  by 
England  in  the  Elizabethan  age  that  did  not  include  in 
their  orders  a project  for  preying  on  Spanish  commerce 
by  the  way ; for  our  ancestors  were  as  yet  not  far  re- 
moved in  this  regard  from  the  spirit  of  the  old  Norse 
pirates.  Grenville  therefore  sailed  around  by  the  Cana- 
ries, picked  up  Spanish  prizes  partly  to  meet  the  cost  of 
the  undertaking,  and  in  due  time  anchored  at  Wocoken, 
whence  he  proceeded  to  Roanoke  island. 

With  the  colonists  was  Manteo,  a native  who  had  gone 
to  England  with  some  former  expedition  ; and  the  good- 
natured  fellow  secured  for  his  new  friends  a warm  recep- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  aborigines.  But  Grenville  before 
his  return  treated  them  harshly,  leaving  to  them  and  the 


39 


1492-1606.]  Raleigh s First  Colony. 

colonists  a legacy  of  mutual  distrust  and  grievances.  In 
March,  1586,  Lane  ascended  the  Roanoke  River,  hoping 
to  find  rich  ores  and  pearls  in  the  upper  country ; for  the 
deceitful  savages,  wishing  to  divide  the  white  men’s 
forces,  had  told  him  that  the  stream  had  its  source  near 
the  western  ocean,  in  a country  abounding  with  these 
articles,  and  encouraged  his  expedition  with  promises  of 
assistance.  The  enterprise  proved  full  of  hardship  and 
peril,  and  the  governor  returned  just  in  time  to  check  a 
conspiracy  to  attack  the  garrison. 

Lane  had  employed  his  men  in  frequent  explorations, 
their  journeyings  reaching  on  the  north  to  Chesapeake 
Bay  and  Elizabeth  River,  on  the  south  to  the  Secotan. 
But  the  situation  became  irksome.  The  spirit  of  ad- 
venture and  wealth-seeking  prevailed  among  the  colonists ; 
it  was  not  a community  calculated  for  the  uneventful  and 
toilsome  prosecution  of  agriculture ; and  before  long  the 
fretful  disease  of  homesickness  prevailed  on  the  island  of 
Roanoke. 

In  June,  1586,  Sir  Francis  Drake  appeared  with  twenty- 
three  vessels.  He  had  made  a rich  haul  from  Spanish 
treasure-ships  in  the  West  Indies,  and  had  turned  aside 
on  his  return  trip,  curious  to  see  how  his  friend  Raleigh’s 
( colony  fared.  Yielding  to  the  importunities 
prise  aban-  of  the  settlers,  he  took  them  aboard  his 
doned.  fleet  anc[  carrjefl  them  back  to  England.  They 
had  been  gone  from  Roanoke  but  a few  days,  when  a 
ship,  bringing  supplies  sent  out  by  Raleigh,  sailed  into  the 
inlet,  only  to  find  the  place  deserted.  In  another  fort- 
night, Grenville  appeared  with  three  well-furnished  ships, 
and  left  fifteen  men  on  the  island  to  renew  the  colonizing 
experiment. 

Raleigh  displayed  most  remarkable  persistence.  He 
was  undismayed  by  this  long  chapter  of  disasters.  Men 
on  whose  judgment  he  relied  brought  back  good  reports 


40 


[Ch.  II. 


Em  of  Exploration. 


from  the  site  of  the  ill-fated  colony,  and  again  he  fitted 
out  an  expedition,  — this  time  entirely  at  his  own  charge, 
Raleigh’s  f°r  Elizabeth  had  had  enough  of  the  experi- 

second  ment.  It  was  in  July,  1 587,  when  John  White 

attempt.  arrived  with  Raleigh’s  new  colonists  off  the 

shores  of  North  Carolina.  At  Roanoke,  deer  were  quietly 
grazing  in  a field  fertilized  by  the  bones  of  Grenville’s 
contingent  of  the  year  before,  and  the  fort  was  in  ruins. 
Governor  White  re-established  the  settlement. 

The  1 8th  of  August  the  daughter  of  White,  Eleanor 
Dare,  gave  birth  to  a daughter,  called  Virginia,  after 
f the  country, — the  first  child  of  English  par- 

Birth  of  - or- 

Virginia  ents  born  on  the  soil  of  the  United  States. 

Daie'  A few  days  later,  White  left  for  England, — 

ostensibly  for  recruits  and  supplies,  the  colony  which  he 

left  behind  being  composed  of  eighty-nine  men,  seven- 
teen women,  and  two  children.  But  England  was  now 
threatened  with  invasion  from  Spain ; the  energy  and 
resources  of  the  island  were  being  mustered  in  its  de- 
fence; Raleigh,  Drake,  Grenville,  Frobisher,  Hawkins, 
and  the  rest  were  engaged  in  preparing  to  resist  the 
enemy.  It  was  no  time  for  colonization  schemes.  The 
Armada  scattered,  the  father  of  English  colonization  in 
America  found  himself  ruined,  having  spent  ,£40,000 
in  his  several  fruitless  ventures.  Still  hopeful,  he  next 
adopted  a scheme  of  making  large  grants  in  Virginia  to 
merchants  and  adventurers,  and  in  this  manner  obtained 
some  aid. 

In  1591  White  returned  to  Roanoke,  to  find  it  again 
deserted,  with  no  traces  of  his  daughter  or  of  the  other 
colonists.  They  had  probably  been  overcome  by  the 
Wreck  of  Indians,  and  those  whose  lives  were  spared 
the  colony,  adopted  into  the  neighboring  tribes.  In  spite 
of  the  many  costly  attempts,  the  sixteenth  century  closed 
with  no  English  settlement  on  the  shores  of  America. 


41 


,6o2-i6o6.]  Gosnold  and  Gorges. 


Among  the  principal  causes  of  this  early  failure  in 

Virginia  were  the  improper  character  and  spirit  of  the 

Causes  of  emigrants,  who,  instead  of  looking  to  the  soil 

English  fail-  as  tjie  chjef  SOurce  of  supplies,  expected  to 
ures  thus  11  . — — — - 

far.  find  rich  mines,  or  tribes  possessing  gold,  and 

relied  upon  England  for  the  necessaries  of  life ; they  had 
not  enough  occupation  to  keep  them  from  brooding  over 
their  isolation,  and  by  their  harshness  they  turned  the 
Indians  into  harassing  enemies. 

Bartholomew  Gosnold  has  had  the  reputation  of  being 
the  first  mariner  who  set  out  for  America  on  a direct 
Gosnold’s  voyage  from  England,  thus  avoiding  the  West 
voyages.  Indies  and  the  Spanish,  and  saving  nearly  a 
thousand  miles;  but  others  before  him  had  taken  the  di- 
rect course,  — notably  Verrazano  (1524).  In  1602,  while 
trading  with  the  Indians,  Gosnold  explored  the  coast  from 
Cape  Elizabeth,  Maine,  to  the  Elizabeth  Islands,  on  his 
way  landing  upon  and  naming  Cape  Cod.  The 
following  year  Martin  Bring  discovered  many 
harbors  and  rivers  in  Maine.  In  1605  George  Wey- 
mouth, sent  by  the  Earl  of  Southampton  and 
Lord  Arundel,  explored  from  Cape  Cod  north- 
ward. He  carried  back  with  him  several  kid- 
napped natives,  three  of  whom  he  gave  to  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  be-  Gorges>  governor  of  the  English  port  of  Ply- 
comes  in-  mouth.  Gorges  was  particularly  struck  with  the 
reported  abundance  of  good  harbors  in  the 
north,  compared  with  the  scarcity  of  such  in  Virginia  and 
Carolina,  and  became  at  once  strongly  interested  in  New 
England  exploration. 

Public  attention  in  England  had  by  this  time  become 
strongly  attracted  to  the  northern  region  as  probably  the 
most  desirable  for  future  experiments  in  colonization;  it 
was  pointed  out  with  much  force  that  the  lack  of  good 
anchorage  was  one  of  the  reasons  why  the  southern 


Pring  in 
Maine, 


and  Wey- 
mouth at 
Cape  Cod. 


42 


ICH  II. 


Era  of  Exploration. 

attempts  had  failed.  Conditions  in  England,  too,  had  at 
last  so  changed  as  to  make  it  possible  to  undertake  col- 
onization with  better  assurances  of  success.  But  New 
England  was  not  destined  to  be  the  site  of  the  first  per- 
manent plantation.  That  honor  was  reserved  for  what  is 
now  Virginia. 


16.  The  Experience  of  the  Sixteenth  Century 
(1492-1606). 

In  reviewing  the  period  from  1492  to  1606, — prac- 
tically the  sixteenth  century,  — we  see  that  it  was  notable 
Sixteenth  for  the  extraordinary  interest  displayed  in  dis- 
abhTfor n0t"  covery  and  settlement.  Attention  has  been 
interest  in  called  to  the  part  played  by  the  general  de- 
aiiT'settle-  s^re  °f  Europeans  to  secure  the  trade  of  India, 
ment.  J3ut  we  must  not  forget  as  well  that,  as  a fea- 

ture of  the  great  Renaissance  and  Reformation  movement, 
the  spirit  of  investigation  was  abroad,  in  religion,  phi- 
losophy, and  the  arts ; there  had  grown  up  great  com- 
mercial and  trading  cities,  in  which  the  successful  foreign 
merchant  became  a part  of  a powerful  aristocracy ; pop- 
ular imagination  had  been  fired  by  traders’  stories  of 
India,  China,  and  Japan;  there  was  an  eagerness  to 
reach  out  into  the  regions  of  mystery,  to  enlarge  the 
horizon  of  human  knowledge.  The  effect  was  greatly 
to  increase  skill  in  navigation,  to  build  up  a merchant 
marine,  and — - it  being  an  age  of  universal  freebooting  — 
to  cultivate  an  experience  in  naval  warfare  which  was 
a preparation  for  the  great  sea-fights  of  the  eighteenth 
century. 

Of  the  three  nations  which,  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
attempted  to  colonize  America  north  of  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  all  had  practically  failed.  Spain  had  with  com- 
parative ease  conquered  the  unwarlike  natives  of  Mexico 
and  Peru  upon  their  cultivated  plains.  That  very  ease 


1492-1606]  Causes  of  Failure.  43 

took  away  the  disposition,  even  had  her  people  been 
capable  of  the  effort,  slowly  and  painfully  to  subdue 
Causes  of  the  tangled  forests  and  savage  warriors  of  /< 
failure  in  Florida,  with  no  other  promise  of  reward 

American  than  the  possession  of  unredeemed  soil.  Not 

colonization.  suited.  to  the  task,  she  utterly  wasted  alike  the 
resources  of  the  home  government  applicable  to  coloni- 
zation, and  those  of  the  established  colonies.  France 
had  failed  because  of  dissensions  at  home,  (inferior 
powers  of  organization, '.the  want  of  the  proper  coloni- 
zing temper^  and  ■ the  severity  of  the  climate  in  that 
portion  of  the  New  World  which  she  had  seized  upon 
as  the  seat  of  her  colonies},  (English  colonization  thus 
far  had  been  unproductive  because  there  was  a want  of 
understanding  of  the  difficulties,' because  of  the  selection 
of  colonists  who  lacked  experience  in  agriculture,,  be- 
cause poor  harbors  were  generally  chosen,  because  there 
was  difficulty  in^keeping  up  communications  with  the 
mother-land,  (be'cause  the  resident  leaders  lacked  cour- 
age and  had  not  the  staying  qualities  which  were  in 
after  years  the  salvation  of  the  Plymouth  Pilgrims^  But 
the  effect  of  these  early  English  efforts  was  important 
in  giving  the  people  needed  training  in  navigation  and 
colonization,  and  a knowledge  of  the  country. 

Taking  a general  view  of  America  at  the  close  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  we  find  Spain  in  undisputed  posses- 
European  sion  of  Peru,  Central  America,  the  country 
America^  west  and  northwest  of  the  Gulf  cf  Mexico, 
1S00.  the  greater  part  of  the  West  Indies,  and  the 

coast  of  what  is  now  Florida;  while  they  claimed  all 
of  the  southern  third  of  the  present  United  States 
and  the  greater  part  of  South  America,  except  Guiana 
and  Brazil.  The  French  laid  claim  to  the  basin  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  and  to  the  coast  northward  and  south- 
ward, but  their  colonies  were  not  as  yet  permanently 


44  Era  of  Exploration.  [Ch.  II. 

planted;  the  attempts  to  make  Huguenot  settlements 
in  Brazil  (1555)  and  Florida  had  been  unsuccessful, 
and  French  claims  there  had  been  abandoned  under 
Spanish  influence.  It  was  not  until  1609,  when  Hud- 
son sailed  up  the  river  named  for  him,  that  the  Dutch 
laid  any  claims  to  American  soil.  Cabral  discovered 
Brazil  for  the  Portuguese  in  1500;  but  when  Portugal, 
eighty  years  later,  became  the  dependency  of  Spain 
(a  condition  lasting  sixty  years),  her  South  American 
colonies  were  harried  by  the  Dutch,  though  she  did  not 
relinquish  control  of  them.  The  English  claimed  all  the 
North  American  coast  from  Newfoundland  to  Florida, 
and  of  course  through  to  the  Pacific,  no  one  then  enter- 
taining the  belief  that  the  continent  was  many  hundred 
miles  in  width;  but  as  yet  none  of  their  colonizing  efforts 
had  been  successful.  The  Bermudas,  Bahamas,  and  Bar- 
bados were  neither  claimed  nor  settled  by  Englishmen 
until  the  _seventeenth  century.  The  great  Mississippi 
basin  had  been  visited  by  a few  Spanish  overland  wan- 
derers, but  as  yet  was  practically  forgotten  and  unclaimed, 
except  so  far  as  it  was  included  in  the  undefined  Spanish 
and  English  transcontinental  zones;  the  Hudson  Bay 
country,  Oregon,  and  Alaska  were  also  undiscovered 
lands.  A few  thousand  miles  of  American  coast-line 
were  now  familiar  to  European  explorers ; but  of  the 
interior  of  the  continent  scarcely  more  was  known  than 
might  be  seen  over  the  tree-tops  from  the  mast-head  of 
a caravel. 


Ch.  iii.j 


Colonial  Policy . 


45 


CHAPTER  III. 

COLONIZATION  AND  THE  COLONISTS. 


17.  References. 


Bibliographies.  — C.  P.  Lucas,  Introduction  to  Historical 
Geography  of  the  British  Colonies , vii.,  viii.  ; E.  B.  Andrews,  Brief 
Institutes  of  oar  Constitutional  History , Lecture  IV.  ; J.  J.  Lalor> 
Cyclopedia,  II.  1019;  \V.  F.  Allen,  History  Topics ; Justin  Winsor, 
Narrative  and  Critical  History , III.,  V.  ; Channing  and  Hart,  Guide, 
§§  92,  104,  no. 

Historical  Maps.  — No.  2,  this  volume  ( Epoch  Maps , No.  2)  ; 
T.  MacCoun,  Historical  Geography ; Justin  Winsor,  Narrative  and 
Critical  History , III.,  IV .,  passim. 

General  Accounts.  — On  colonization  : C.  P.  Lucas,  Historical 
Geography  of  the  British  Colonies  (colonial  policies  of  the  European 
States);  J.  R.  Seeley,  Expansion  of  England,  37-97;  Adam  Smith's 
Wealth  of  Nations,  chapter  “ Of  Colonies  ” ; J.  A.  Doyle,  English  in 
America,  I.  75-77,  1 01-104  ; E.  A.  Freeman,  Historical  Geography  of 
Europe,  I.  364,  365,  55S,  562,  577— 5S3  ; H.  Merivale,  Colonization  and 
the  Colonies ; Forster,  Our  Colonial  Empire ; C.  W.  Dilke,  Greater 
Britain , and  Problems  of  Greater  Britain;  E.  S.  Creasy,  Imperial 
and  Colonial  Constitutions ; Mill,  Colonial  Constitutions.  — On  the 
English  movement ; S.  R.  Gardiner,  History  of  England,  I.  146,  II 
4S7,  IV".  142  ; J.  B.  Marsden,  Early  Puritans.  — -On  the  free  institu- 
tions imported  by  the  American  colonists,  and  on  colonial  government 
generally:  Joseph  Story,  Commentaries,  §§  1-97,  5S2 ; Woodrow 
Wilson,  The  State,  §§832-864;  E.  Freeman,  English  People  in  its 
Three  Homes,  169-201  ; Hannis  Taylor,  The  English  Constitution,  15- 
4S  ; Edward  Channing,  Town  and  County  Government ; C.  Bishop, 
History  of  Elections  in  the  Colonies. 

Contemporary  Accounts.  — - The  best  accounts  of  the  motives 
and  success  of  colonization  are  in  the  published  records  of  Massachu- 
setts, Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Maryland, 
and  North  Carolina.  See  also  R.  Hakluyt,  Voyages;  Holinshed, 
Chronicles.  — Reprints  in  Edward  Arber,  Pilgrim  Colonists;  Hart, 
American  History  told  by  Contemporaries , I.  part  iii. 


(»• 


Colonial  Policy  of  European  States. 


The  time  had  now  come  for  making  the  first  perma- 
nent English  settlement  in  America.  Before  we  proceed 


46 


Colonisation  and  Colonists.  [Ch.  III. 


to  the  story  of  that  famous  enterprise,  however,  it  will  be 
well  hastily  to  summarize  the  colonial  policies  of  those 
European  States  which  have  at  various  times  established 
plantations  in  the  New  World.  It  will  be  well  also  to 
know  what  sort  of  people  were  the  seed  of  English  colo- 
nization, and  what  institutions  they  brought  with  them  as 
the  foundations  of  American  commonwealths. 

Four  motives,  working  either  singly  or  conjointly,  lead 
to  colonization,  — (the  spirit  of  adventurous  enterprise, ) 
Motives  ot  ^ the  desire  for  wealth)  feconomic  or  political 
colonization,  discontent)  and  (religious  sentiment.)  For  in- 
stance, Columbus  was  quite  as  much  a religious  enthu- 
siast desirous  of  spreading  the  gospel  in  new  lands  as 
he  was  an  adventurer ; the  southern  group  of  English 
colonies  in  America  was  in  the  main  the  outgrowth  of  a 
trading  spirit  working  in  conjunction  with  economic  dis- 
tress in  England;  and  the  Puritan  migration  to  New 
England  was  impelled  by  economic  and  political  causes, 
as  well  as  by  religious. 

In  a large  sense  the  planting  of  a colony  means  merely 
the  expansion  of  the  parent  State.  But  this  was  not  the 
Colonization  view  formerly  taken  by  European  govern 
is  the  ex-  ments.  For  a long  time  colonies  were  treated 

pansion  of  “ 

the  parent  as  dependencies  of  the  mother-country,  exist- 
State’  ing  chiefly  to  furnish  revenue  to  the  latter, 
either  directly  in  taxes  or  indirectly  in  increased  trade. 
It  was  because  the  English  colonists  in  America,  taking 
though  early  a broad  view  of  their  relationship  to  Great 
source  ofS  a Britain,  wished  to  be  treated  as  free  Eng- 
revenuetoit.  lishmen  in  Greater  Britain,  and  not  merely  as 
revenue-producing  subjects,  that  they  revolted  in  1776. 
Colonial  history  is  nearly  everywhere  the  history  of  this 
obtuseness  of  vision  on  the  part  of  the  home  government, 
and  it  is  full  of  most  painful  details. 


1492-1600.]  Spain  and  Porttigal. 


47 


19.;  Spanish  and  Portuguese  Policy. 


It  chanced  that  the  American  discoveries  made  by 
Spain  were  in  the  region  of  rich  and  physically  weak 

nations.  Consequently  she  won  her  vast  do- 

Spain.  . 

minions  on  this  continent  by  sweeping  con 
quest  rather  than  by  commercial  growth.  (This  was  in 
sharp  contrast  with  the  slow,  steady  planting  of  New 
England,  where  the  settlers  were  obliged  to  conquer  a 
sterile  soil  and  brave  a rigid  climate,  where  they  were 
hemmed  about  with  savage  neighbors  who  disputed 
their  establishment,  and  where  they  met  as  well  the 
sharp  opposition,  first  of  the  Dutch,  and  then  of  the 
French,  — the  latter,  in  their  desire  for  the  Mississippi 
valley,  jealously  endeavoring  to  restrict  Englishmen  to  the 
Atlantic  slope.  ' The  Spaniards  were  brave,  and  they 
could  rule  with  severity.  But  they  thirsted  for  adven- 
ture, conquest,  and  jyealth,  for  which  their  appetite  was 
early  encouraged;  their  progress  in  Mexico,  Peru,  and 
the  West  Indies  had  been  too  rapid  and  brilliant  for 
them  to  be  satisfied  with  the  dull  life  and  patient  devel- 
opment of  an  agricultural  colony.  ( Had  they  known  in 
advance  the  conditions  of  success  on  the  North  Amer- 
ican mainland,  it  is  probable  that  we  should  never  have 
been  obliged  to  chronicle  the  splendid  but  disastrous 
expeditions  of  Narvaez  and  De  Soto.,  They  would 
doubtless  have  made  no  attempt  to  subdfie  a land  which 
offered  nothing  for  such  appetites  as  theirs.  Their  aims 
were  sordid,  their  State  was  loosely  knit,  their  commer- 
cial policy  was  rigidly  exclusive,  their  morals  were  lax, 
and  their  treatment  of  the  savages  was  cruel,  despite  the 
tendency  of  the  colonists  to  amalgamate  with  the  latter, 
and  thus  to  descend  in  the  scale  of  civilization.  The 
effect  of  the  specie  so  easily  acquired  in  Mexico  and 
Peru  was  to  make  Spain  rapidly  rich  without  manufac- 


48 


Colonization  and  Colonists.  [Cn.  ill. 


tures ; but  her  people  were  thereby  demoralized  and 
unfitted  for  the  ordinary  channels  of  employment,  and 
her  rulers  were  corrupted  and  enfeebled ; in  the  end  the 
country  was  impoverished,  declining  as  rapidly  as  it  had 
risen.  ( Spain’s  glory  was  fast  waning  both  in  the  J'lew 
and  the  Old  World  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
and  France  was  ready,  in  the  march  of  events,  to  suc- 
ceed to  her  place  as  the  leading  nation  of  Europe.) 
France  was  to  be  supplanted  a century  later  by  England, 
which  was  not  known  as  a great  power  until  the  dis- 
persion of  the  Armada.  We  have  seen  that  in  this  his- 
torical progress  Spain  unwittingly  helped  England  by 
driving  the  French  out  from  Florida  and  Carolina; 
nevertheless  the  decline  of  Spain  left  France  the  most 
formidable  rival  of  the  English. 

The  Portuguese,  though  impelled  by  a similar  passion 
for  conquest,  were  more  eager  for  trade  than  their  power- 
ful and  often  domineering  Spanish  neighbors. 
Portugal.  •ppgy  oppressed  their  colonies,  were  greedy  in 
their  commercial  strivings,  maltreated  the  weak  natives  of 
Brazil  and  the  West  Indies,  lacked  administrative  ability 
and  the  spirit  of  progress,  and  suffered  from  want  of  a 
well-balanced  colonial  system  The  Portuguese  colonies 
in  America  had  much  the  same  history  as  the  Spanish, 
their  situation  being  similar.  Brazil  was  of  no  great  impor- 
tance until  the  early  years  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
and  made  herself  independent  in  1822, — thus  following 
the  lead  of  Mexico,  which  set  up  an  independent  govern- 
ment the  previous  year. 


\ 20. -French  Policy. 


France  had  no  permanent  colonies  in  America  before 
the  seventeenth  century.  Port  Royal  was  planted  in 
1604,  and  Quebec  not  until  four  years  later.  The  French 
were  good  fighters,  enterprising,  and  while  not  eager 


•497_I7(J3-] 


France . 


49 


to  colonize,  were  capable  of  adapting  themselves  to  new 
conditions ; they  had  the  capacity  to  carry  their  ideas 

with  them  across  the  seas,  and  they  readily 

France.  • • " * 

assimilated  with  the  aborigines.  1 While  freely 
intermarrying  with  the  natives,  unlike  the  Spaniards 
they  rather  improved  the  savage  stock  than  were  de- 
graded by  it.  ! They  had  the  faculty  of  making  the  red 
barbarian  a boon  companion,  and  of  inducing  him  to 
serve  them  and  fight  for  them  ; indeed,  since  their  colo- 
nizing enterprises  were  based  on  the  fur-trade,  their 
opposition  to  the  advance  of  English  agricultural  posses- 
sion was,  like  that  of  the  Indians,  fundamental.  The 
French  and  the  savages  were  therefore  united  in  a 
common  cause  against  a common  foe. 

The  Breton  and  Norman  merchant-seamen  who  went 
out  to  Newfoundland  and  carried  on  fisheries  and  the 
fur-trade  paved  the  way  for  the  future  throng  of  emi- 
grants. (As  colonizers,  the  French  worked  quietly  and 
persistently,  and  would  have  succeeded,  had  not  their 
enterprises  been  ruined  by  their  unfortunate  political  and 
ecclesiastical  policy  and  the  mismanagement  of  their 
rulers.  ) Louis  XIV.  was  capricious  and  extravagant. 
His  court  was  a nest  of  intrigue,  corruption,  pecula- 
tion, jealousies,  and  dissensions.  ("The  Huguenots,  who 
represented  the  industrial  classes,  began  the  French 
colonization  of  America  j^ut  we  have  seen  how  sadly 
their  government  neglected  them  in  Florida.  Finally, 
when  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  (1685)  re- 
sulted in  driving  them  from  home,  and  they  were  eager 
to  join  their  lot  with  that  of  their  countrymen  in 
Canada,  priest-rule  prescribed  their  deliberate  exclusion 
from  the  colonies,  — which  they  could  have  made  a New 
France  in  fact,  — and  thus  forced  them  to  contribute  their 
strength  to  the  rival  English  settlements  farther  down  the 
coast.  The  government  was  in  some  respects  over- 
4 


50 


Colonization  and  Colonists.  [Ch.  hi. 


liberal  to  its  North  American  colonies, — it  aided  them 
financially  to  an  extent  unknown  elsewhere ; but  they 
were  not  self-governed,  and  the  king  continually  inter- 
fered with  the  commercial  companies,  which  in  a large 
measure  controlled  the  colonies,  so  that  a favor  granted 
through  corrupt  influences  to-day  might  to-morrow  be 
revoked  by  counter-influences  equally  corrupt.  Pater- 
nalism,  centralization,  bureaucratic  government,  official 
rottenness,  instability  of  system,  religious  exclusiveness, 
and  a vicious  system  of  land-tenure  were  the  prime  causes 
of  the  ruin  of  New  France ; (although  we  must  not  forget 
that  the  centre  of  its  power  had  been  planted  in  an  in- 
hospitable climate,  and  that  its  far-reaching  water-system 
tempted  the  inhabitants  into  the  forests  and  cultivated  the 
fur-trade  at  the  expense  of  agriculture,  thereby  placing 
the  province  at  a disadvantage  from  the  start.y 


21.',  Dutch  and  Swedish  Policy. 


The  burden  of  over-population  with  which  Spain, 
France,  and  Portugal  w'ere  troubled,  and  to  relieve  the 
j(  . ; pressure  of  which  was  one  of  the  motives  of 

their  colonizing  efforts,  was  not  felt  by  Hol- 
land ; for  despite  the  fact  that  she  sustained  a more 
dense  population  than  any  other  European  State,  her 
citizens  were  prosperous.  They  were  not  stirred,  like 
neighboring  peoples,  by  the  impulse  of  emigration.  Pre- 
eminently a trading  nation,  Holland  sought  commerce 
rather  than  ejcLension  of  empire.  Long  the  chief  carrier 
of  Europe  before  striking  into  a broader  field,  she  fol- 
lowed in  the  steps  of  the  Portuguese,  and  by  the  opening 
of  the  seventeenth  century  took  rank  as  a colonizing 
power.  Her  most  fruitful  labors  were  in  the  East  rather 
than  in  the  West.  It  wras  in  the  attempt  to  find  the 
northwest  passage  to  India  that  Hudson  discovered  the 
river  which  bears  his  name.  With  the  Dutch,  though 


1609-1664  ! Holland  and  Sweden. 


51 


religious  reformers,  religion  was  secondary  to  trade.  So 
long  as  trade  was  good,  they  were  patient  under  insult 
and  outrage.  Individually  they  made  but  little  impress 
upon  the  community.  Commerce  was  chiefly  conducted 
through  large  chartered  companies,  minutely  managed 
in  Holland.  Dutch  colonies  declined  because  their  com- 
mercial system  was  non-progressive  and  unsound : they 
appear  to  have  been  unable  to  rise  out  of  the  trader 
state.  Yet  we  must  not  forget  that  Holland  was  of 
small  size  and  had  overbearing,  jealous  neighbors ; her 
long  and  heroic  struggle  with  Spain  tended  greatly  to 
delay  her  efforts  to  trade  in  and  colonize  the  New 
World. 

The  Swedish  colony  on  the  Delaware  was  planned  by 
authority  of  Gustavus  Adolphus  on  broad,  liberaLprin- 
ciples  ; he  hoped  it  would  become  “ the  jewel 
Sweden.  Q£  hjs  kingdom.”^  But  while  it  throve  for  a 
time  and  gave  much  promise  of  endurance,  the  Dutch 
soon  overpowered  it.  Had  the  Swedish  monarch  lived 
to  carry  out  the  design,  doubtless  he  would  have  proved 
that  Scandinavians  could  successfully  maintain  an  inde- 
pendent province  in  the  New  World.  Like  the  Germans, 
however,  they  have  in  later  years  been  in  the  main  con- 
tent to  colonize  as  the  subjects  of  foreign  governments. 


England. 


( 22?)  English  Policy. 

England  remains  the  only  country  which  planted  pop- 
ulous colonies  within  the  present  United  States  and  re- 
tained them  long  after  they  were  planted.  Her 
insular  position  and  fine  harbors  have  given  her 
a race  of  sailors;  her  climate  has  proved  favorable  for 
rearing  a hardy  people,  who,  secure  in  their  boundaries 
and  not  necessarily  entangled  in  Continental  affairs,  have 
been  left  free  to  develop  and  to  push  independent  enter- 
prises. As  regards  American  exploration,  the  fact  that 


52 


Colonization  aitd  Colonists.  [Ch.  nr. 


England  is  the  westernmost  State  in  Europe  had  at  first 
much  to  do  with  her  pre-eminence.  Until  the  close  of 
the  sixteenth  century  England’s  resources  were  slender, 
and  her  government  was  not  desirous  of  incurring  the 
hostility  of  stronger  European  neighbors  by  poaching  too 
freely  on  their  colonial  preserves.  Cabot  went  out  at 
his  own  cost.  Drake’s  operations,  while  adding  to  the 
glory  of  England,  and  directly  favored  by  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, were  continually  endangering  her  with  Spain.  But 
in  the  face  of  all  discouragements,  the  sixteenth  century 
was  a notable  training  period  for  English  sea-rovers. 
The  records  of  the  age  are  aglow  with  the  deeds  of  the 
Cabots,  Frobisher,  Davis,  Drake,  Cavendish,  Gilbert, 
Raleigh.  Grenville,  and  their  like,  who,  while  invariably 
failing  in  their  persistent  efforts  at  colonization,  were 
charting  the  American  coast-line,  making  the  New  World 
familiar  to  their  countrymen,  and  striking  out  shorter 
paths  across  the  Atlantic.  At  first  outstripped  by  other 
European  nations,  England  was  becoming  one  of  the 
principal  maritime  powers  when  the  seventeenth  century 
began.  Spain,  weakened  by  the  defection  of  the  Nether- 
lands, and  still  further  humiliated  by  the  defeat  of  the 
Armada  (158S),  was  by  this  time  showing  evidences  of 
decay,  and  France  was  the  growing  rival  in  the  West. 

English  occupation  in  North  America,  like  the 
French,  began  with  the  fishermen  who,  following  in 
The  English  Cabot’s  wake,  early  sought  the  banks  of  New- 
trading  foundland.  They  were  courageous,  business- 
sp'nt  like  men,  who  soon  supplemented  their  calling 

as  fishermen  with  a profitable  native  trade  in  peltries. 
The  trading_spirit  has  always  been  deeply  implanted  in 
the  Teutonic  races;  when  England  had  gathered  suffi- 
cient strength  to  make  it  discreet  to  assert  herself,  we 
find  that  her  Teachings  out  for  wider  territory  took  the 
shape  of  commercial  enterprise.  The  romantic  adven- 


1500-1700.] 


English  Character. 


53 


turers  of  the  age  of  Elizabeth,  as  much  freebooters  as 
explorers,  were  now  succeeded  by  prosaic  trading  com- 
panies, which  undertook  to  plant  colonies  along  the 
Atlantic  coast.  In  doing  this  they  were  impelled  in 
part  by  a desire  to  relieve  England  from  some  of  her 
surplus  population;  but  in  the  main  the  colonies  were  to 
serve  as  trading  and  supply  stations. 

^In  aiding  these  corporations,  which  succeeded  after  a 
fashion  in  planting  colonies,  but  failed  for  the  most  part 
Scanty  State  m reaping  profits,  the  State  expected  increased 
aid-  revenue  rather  than  the  spread  of  European 

civilization.  In  England,  State  assistance  to  such  un- 
dertakings was  always  slight  and  uncertain ; the  strength 
of  the  early  colonies  lay  in  the  wealth  and  persistence  of 
their  promoters. 


23.  Character  of  English  Emigrants. 

The  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  were  full  of 
trouble  for  the  English  people.  Religious  restlessness 
English  was  succeeded  by  revolution  and  civil  war, 
impulse  to  while  crude  and  oppressive  economic  condi- 

° ‘ ' tions  induced  lawless  disturbance  and  disaster. 

Colonizing  schemes  were  readily  taken  up  in  such  times  of 
unrest.  At  first  the  notion  prevailed  that  the  colonies 
might  profitably  be  utilized  for  clearing  the  mother-country 
of  jail-birds  and  paupers,  although  with  these  went  out 
many  who  were  worthy  pioneers.  It  remained  for  the  Ply- 
mouth planting  to  demonstrate  that  only  the  honest  and 
thrifty  can  work  out  the  salvation  of  a wilderness.  Amer- 
ica attracted  the  attention  alike  of  traders  and  settlers 
because  its  soil  was  supposed  to  be  rich,  because  the 
climate  was  temperate  and  not  unlike  that  of  England, 
because  there  was  plenty  of  room,  and  because  the 
unknown  land  attracted  the  adventurous. 


54 


Colonization  atid  Colonists.  [Ch.  III. 


Englishmen  were  soon  found  to  be  the  best  colonizers 
in  the  world.  An  intelligent,  large,  well-built,  and  hand- 
Engiishmen  some  race,  active  in  a high  degree  and  passion- 
as  colonists.  ately  fond  of  out-door  life  and  manly  sports, 
they  are  brave  and  enterprising,  will  fight  for  suprem- 
acy, are  tenacious  of  purpose,  and  carry  with  them  in 
their  migrations  their  ideas,  their  customs,  and  their 
Their  cha-  laws.  They  do  not  assimilate  with  other 
racterisucs,  races, — in  fact,  there  is  inbred  in  them  a 
strong  disdain  of  foreigners,  and  still  more  of  inferior 
races  ; but  they  rule  with  vigor,  and  make  a lasting 
impress  of  their  characteristics  upon  the  communities 
they  establish.  Although  Englishmen  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  when  they  colonized  America,  lacked  many  of 
the  refinements  of  civilization,  were  coarse  in  their  tastes 
and  sentiments,  and  much  given  to  dissipation  and  petty 
vices,  a fibre  of  robust  morality  ran  through  the  na- 
tional life.  The  leaders  were  educated,  they  were 
ambitious  for  their  race,  and  there  was  a healthy  tone 
to  their  patriotic  aspirations.  Simple  and  reserved  in 
manner,  they  prided  themselves  on  repressing  the  utter- 
ance of  their  feelings,  entering  upon  the  serious  business 
of  rearing  a nation  in  the  wilds  with  most  becoming 
gravity.  Their  conduct  was  often  bad,  but  they  were 
schooled  in  piety  and  reverence,  and  were  steadfast  in 
high  aims. 

They  had  been  trained  in  self-government,  and  were 
sticklers  for  healthy  political  precedents.  They  were  the 
heirs  of  grim  and  sturdy  Teutonic  ancestors  who  knew 
no  rule  but  that  imposed  by  “the  armed  assembly  of  the 
whole  people.”  The  germs  of  modern  English  free 
and  representative  institutions  are  to  be  plainly  traced 
in  the  forest  councils  of  the  Germanic  tribes.  In  the 
succeeding  ages  these  institutions  had  grown  irregu. 
larly,  but  it  was  a growth  founded  on  the  irresistible 


55 


1600.]  Town  and  County. 

will  of  the  people;  they  had  descended  to  the  men  of 
the  seventeenth  century  as  the  sacred  heirlooms  of 
and  their  free  generations  which  had  freely  spent  blood  and 
institutions,  treasure  for  the  rights  of  all  Englishmen  to 
come.  The  principle  and  habit  of  self-government  were 
deep  rooted  in  the  heart  of  every  English  commoner;  it 
was  a part  of  his  nature.  And  this  principle,  this  habit, 
he  brought  with  him  to  America.  English  institutions 
were  merely  transplanted  to  the  New  World,  where  they 
developed  with  perhaps  greater  rapidity  than  at  home, — 
certainly  on  somewhat  different  and  characteristic  lines ; 
but  they  were  and  still  are  English  institutions. 


IB) 


Local  Government  in  the  Colonies. 


The  primary  local  body  in  the  England  which  these 
first  colonists  to  America  knew,  was  the  parish,  or  town, 
The  English  which  had  both  an  ecclesiastical  and  a tern- 
,own  poral  jurisdiction.  Next  above  the  parishes 

was  the  territorial  division  known  as  the  county,  with 
an  independent  magistracy  and  a judicial  and  military 
organization  adapted  to  the  needs  of  a large  rural  area. 

d ^ In  making  independent  settlements  on  the 
an  count}.  American  coast,  the  English  commercial  com- 
panies and  proprietors  were  not  establishing  states ; 
what  they  planted  were  but  the  germs  of  states.  Each 
detached  colony  had  a distinct  life,  and  it  was  natural 
that,  despite  the  general  rules  of  government  established 
by  the  companies,  the  people  should  proceed  at  once  to 
govern  themselves  in  theii  local  affairs  upon  either  the 
town  or  the  county  plan,  according  to  circumstances. 
The  flexibility  of  English  representative  institutions  has 
never  elsewhere  been  so  well  illustrated  as  in  the  different 
forms  they  took  on  in  the  American  colonies,  without 
once  departing  from  the  integrity  of  historic  models. 


56 


Colonization  and  Colonists.  [Ch.  hi. 


In  the  Southern  colonies  the  country  was  traversed  by 
deep,  broad  river  highways,  leading  far  inland ; the  cli- 
The  county  mate  was  genial,  the  savages  proved  compar- 
the  political  atively  friendly,  and  the  introduction  of  slav- 

unit  in  the  i i r • . . 

Southern  ery  tended  to  foster  an  aristocratic  class  of 
colonies;  landed  proprietors, — large  plantations,  there- 
fore, were  the  rule.  There  were  a few  small  trading 
villages,  but  the  bulk  of  the  people  were  isolated,  and 
township  governments  were  impracticable.  The  set- 
tlers therefore  adopted  a primary  government  akin 
to  the  English  rural  county,  having  jurisdiction  over 
a wide  tract  of  country,  with  a commander  of  militia, 
appointed  by  the  governor  and  styled  a lieutenant, 
whose  duties  and  authority  were  similar  to  those  of 
the  lords-lieutenant  at  home  ; judicial  powers  being 
exercised  by  eight  or  more  gentlemen,  also  appointed 
by  the  governor,  serving  as  a county  court.  It  should 
be  remembered  that  the  Southern  county  was  not, 
as  in  England,  a group  of  towns,  — it  was  itself  the 
primary  organization.  The  parish  was  sometimes,  in 
newly  settled  portions,  co-extensive  with  the  county;  but 
more  often  the  latter  was,  for  religious  purposes,  divided 
into  parishes,  the  vestries  of  which  had  authority  in 
some  civil  matters.  Again,  for  the  purposes  of  tax  levy 
and  collection,  the  county  was  divided  into  precincts; 
and  in  some  districts  conditions  were  such  — among  them 
the  hostility  of  the  savages  — that  the  people  of  each 
plantation  or  small  neighborhood  assembled  for  worship 
by  themselves,  and  thus  became  recognized  as  a separate 
community,  in  some  matters  self-governed.  These  differ- 
ences in  local  organization  account  for  the  terms  “plan- 
tation,” “congregation,”  and  “hundred,”  often  met 
with  in  early  Southern  records.  The  tendency  of  the 
Southern  political  and  social  system  was  to  concentrate 
power  in  the  hands  of  a few  men,  in  sharp  distinction 


57 


x6o6— 1 775- J 


The  New  England  Town. 


to  the  New  England  plan,  where  the  people  governed 
themselves  in  small  primary  assemblies,  only  delegating 
the  conduct  of  details  to  their  agents,  the  town  officers. 

In  New  England,  the  narrowness  of  the  Atlantic  slope, 
the  shortness  of  the  rivers,  the  severe  climate,  the  hos- 
and  the  town  °f  the  savages,  the  neighborhood  of  the 

in  New  French,  the  density  of  the  forests,  and  the 

Kngiand.  fact  tiiat  eac]1  community  was  an  organized 
religious  congregation,  — people  belonging  to  one  church, 
who  had  “resolved  to  live  together,”  — led  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  more  or  less  compact  communities,  called 
towns;  and  these  were  the  political  and  ecclesiastical 
units.  Since  the  conditions  were  changed,  some  features 
of  the  English  parish  were  modified  to  suit  the  more 
primitive  necessities  of  life  in  the  wilderness.  Thus  we 
find  that  here  and  there  in  New  England  was  a reversion 
to  older  Teutonic  forms,  although  of  this  significant  fact 
the  colonists  themselves  were  unaware ; for  the  now 
Unconscious  familiar  truth  that  the  ancestry  of  our  in- 
reversion to  gtjtutions  reaches  back  to  the  beginnings  of 
tonic  forms,  the  race,  had  not  then  been  discovered.  Not 
only  was  the  English  town  government  practically  repro- 
duced on  American  soil,  with  such  changes  as  were 
adapted  to  the  new  environment,  but  the  titles  of  the 
town  officials  were,  in  many  cases,  borrowed  from  the 
mother-land.  When  the  first  town  meeting  was  held, 
English  local  government  had  been  successfully  grafted 
upon  the  New  World. 

In  the  middle  colonies,  which  partook  of  the  climatic 
characteristics  of  both  their  Northern  and  Southern 
The  mixed  neighbors,  and  had  a population  made  up 
mhtdie mthe  of  various  nationalities,  there  were  compact 
colonies.  trading  towns  as  well  as  large  agricultural 
regions ; and  there  we  find  a mixed  system,  of  both 
townships  and  counties. 


58 


Colonisation  and  Colonists.  [Ch  III. 


With  all  these  differences  in  form,  the  principle  at 
work  was  the  same.  ( From  the  beginning  the  American 
Differences  colonists  were  hampered  in  the  work  of  their 
only  in  form,  general  assemblies,  at  first  by  commercial  com- 
panies, and  then  by  royal  and  proprietary  interference; 
nevertheless,  in  the  conduct  of  their  purely  local  affairs 
they  often  exercised  a greater  degree  of  freedom  than 
their  brethren  in  England.  It  is  the  purpose  of  this 
and  succeeding  volumes  to  show  how,  amid  many  shift- 
ings,  unions,  and  divisions,  these  isolated,  self-governing 
English  colonies,  planted  independently  here  and  there 
in  the  American  wilds,  unconscious  of  the  great  future 
before  them,  were,  by  an  orderly,  logical  progression  of 
events,  the  trend  of  which  was  often  not  noticeable  to 
the  men  of  the  time,  successfully  merged,  at  first  into 
states,  and  finally  into  a nation. 

25.  Colonial  Governments. 

The  colonists  were  accustomed  in  England  to  specific 
ranks  and  orders  of  society.  In  America,  while  there 
Social  were  from  the  first  sharp  social  distinctions, 
distinctions,  the  fact  that  the  great  body  of  the  settlers  be- 
gan life  in  the  wilderness  side  by  side,  on  an  equal  basis, 
was  favorable  to  a democratic  sentiment.  Nobility  was 
connected,  in  English  minds,  with  great  landed  estates, 
of  which  there  were  few  in  America  outside  of  Vir- 
ginia, Maryland,  South  Carolina,  and  New  York.  Under 
Locke’s  constitution  it  was  attempted  by  the  proprieta- 
ries formally  to  divide  Carolina  society  into  groups,  with 
hereditary  titles;  but  the  project  could  not  be  carried 
out.  Nevertheless,  Southern  society  was  in  the  main  as 
distinctly  stratified,  after  the  introduction  of  slavery,  as 
though  titles  had  existed.  New  England  life  was  calcu- 
lated strongly  to  foster  the'  spirit  of  independence ; and 
the  slave  class  was  not  large  enough  materially  to  affect 


59 


1606-1775  ] Colonial  Governments. 

social  conditions.  Still,  there  was  an  acknowledged  and 
respected  aristocracy,  founded  on  ancestry,  education, 
commercial  success,  and  individual  merit,  but  lacking 
staving  qualities;  for  it  had  neither  large  estates  nor 
primogeniture  to  back  it.  The  scheme  of  Lord  Brooke, 
Lord  Say  and  Sele,  and  others,  to  introduce  hereditary 
rank  in  Massachusetts  (1636)  fortunately  failed  to  receive 
popular  approval. 

Used  as  they  were  to  the  exercise  of  the  royal  pre- 
rogative, the  colonists  accepted  the  free  exercise  by 
Colonial  the  governors  of  the  privileges  of  appoint- 
govemors.  nrent  and  veto,  whether  those  officials  were 
selected  by  the  Crown  or  by  proprietaries.  In  ad- 
dition to  these  privileges,  the  governor  of  a royal 
colony  was  the  bearer  of  royal  instructions  and  the 
medium  of  royal  directions ; he  was  the  executive 
officeivthe  granter  of  pardons  (except  in  capital  cases), 
the  commander  of  the  military  and  naval  forces,  the 
head  of  the  established  church,  and  the  chief  of  the 
judiciary ; and  he  could  summon,  prorogue,  and  dis- 
solve the  assembly.  The  assembly  held  the  purse- 
strings, however,  and  the  actual  power  of  the  governor 
was  consequently  in  a great  degree  curtailed.  The 
record  of  colonial  politics  is  largely  made  up  of  dis- 
putes between  the  representatives  and  the  executive, 
in  which  the  assembly  usually  won  by  withholding 
supplies  until  the  governor  came  to  its  terms. ' 

The  judiciary  system  was  alike  in  no  two  colonies, 
but  there  were  certain  resemblances  in  all.  There  were 
Thejudi-  commonly  local  justices  of  the  peace,  with 
clary-  jurisdiction  limited  to  petty  civil  cases  ; some- 

times these  were  elected  by  the  freeholders  of  the 
district,  but  generally  they  were  appointed  by  the 
governor.  Then  came  the  county  courts,  the  members  of 
which  were  appointees  of  the  governor,  except  in  New 


60  Colonization  and  Colonists.  [Ch.  ni. 

Jersey,  where  they  were  elected.  These  county  judges 
were  representative  gentlemen,  and  not  trained  in  the 
2aw.  They  had  criminal  jurisdiction  except  in  capital 
cases,  and  final  jurisdiction  in  civil  cases  not  involving 
large  amounts  : the  limit  was  £ 20  in  Virginia  and  £2  in 
Maryland,  and  elsewhere  between  these  extremes.  Next 
was  the  provincial,  supreme,  or  general  court : ordinarily 
this  was  composed  of  the  governor,  as  chancellor,  and 
the  members  of  his  council;  but  in  several  colonies  this 
colonial  court  was  a separate  body,  appointed  by  the 
governor,  who,  with  his  council,  constituted  a still  higher 
court  of  appeals  and  chancery.  From  the  highest  courts 
a suitor  could,  in  important  cases,  carry  his  appeal  to  the 
king  in  council.  The  common  and  statute  law  of  Eng- 
land prevailed  when  provincial  law  was  silent  on  the 
subject.  Sometimes  questions  arose  upon  the  validity 
of  provincial  statutes:  when  the  courts  found  that 
they  were  not  in  accordance  with  the  charter,  they 
declared  them  void;  but  the  matter  could  be  carried 
to  the  English  Privy  Council  for  ultimate  decision. 
This  was  the  germ  of  the  power  of  the  United  States 
Supreme  Court  to  decide  on  the  constitutionality  of 
a law. 

At  first  American  territory  was  granted  to  chartered 
commercial  companies,  — notably  the  Virginia  Company 
and  the  Council  for  New  England,  — which 
sought  to  control  their  colonies  from  England, 
under  the  supervision  of  the  Crown.  The  Virginia 
colony  was  early  deprived  of  its  charter  by  the  Crown 
(1624);  but  members  of  the  Massachusetts  Company 
boldly  emigrated  to  America,  and  taking  advantage  of 
the  confusion  in  England,  kept  up  a practically  inde- 
pendent state  for  two  generations;  though  at  last  (1692) 
the  people  were  obliged  to  accept  a new  charter  estab- 
lishing a royal  governor.  The  colonies  of  Rhode  Island 


i6o6-I775-J 


Charters. 


61 


ind  Connecticut  obtained  charters  direct  from  England, 
with  privileges  of  self-government,  and  lived  under  them 
till  long  after  they  had  become  States.  New  Hampshire, 
after  having  been  governed  by  Massachusetts,  became  a 
royal  province  without  having  passed  through  the  charter 
or  proprietary  stage.  The  other  colonies  were  proprie- 
tary, but  all  finally  reverted  to  the  Crown.  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania  and  Delaware  were  still  proprietary  at  the 
outbreak  of  the  Revolution,  having  been  restored  to  the 
proprietors  after  reversion. 

The  two  houses  of  Parliament  had  made  the  colonists 
accustomed  to  the  bicameral  system.  In  Virginia  under 

company  management  the  corporation  council 

Two  houses.  . . . ^ . , 

in  England  served  in  a measure  as  the  upper 
house,  with  powers  of  general  direction.  In  Massachu- 
setts (where  the  company  was  technically  resident  in  the 
colony),  and  in  the  proprietary  and  royal  colonies  as  well, 
there  was  for  a long  time  but  one  house.  Finally,  often 
as  the  result  of  dissensions  between  the  deputies  and  the 
officials,  the  former  came  to  sit  apart, — |the  colonies  thus 
in  most  cases  returning  to  the  English  system  of  two 
houses  ; but  the  council  was  small,  and  had  administrative 
functions  which  made  it  very  different  from  the  House 
of  Lords.  These  colonial  assemblies  were  schools  for 
the  cultivation  of  the  spirit  of  independence.  Burke 
said  the  colonists  “had  formed  within  themselves,  either 
by  royal  instruction  or  royal  charter,  assemblies  so  ex- 
ceedingly resembling  a parliament  in  all  their  forms, 
functions,  and  powers  that  it  was  impossible  they  should 
not  imbibe  some  opinion  of  a similar  authority.” 

26.  Privileges  of  the  Colonists. 

Electoral  qualifications  varied  greatly.  In  the  consid- 
eration of  this,  as  well  as  of  other  institutions,  Mas- 
sachusetts and  Virginia  must  be  taken  as  types  of 


62 


Colonization  arid  Colonists.  [Ch.  III. 


opposite  systems,  the  other  colonies  departing  more  or 
less  from  them,  according  to  proximity  Originally  in 
The  suf-  Massachusetts,  “ any  person  inhabiting  with- 
fmge.  jn  the  town  ” could  vote  at  town-meetings  ; 
later,  with  the  arrival  of  objectionable  immigrants,  this 
privilege  was  restricted  (1634)  to  freemen,  — practically 
all  the  members  of  the  church,  — and  still  later  (1691), 
to  “ the  possessors  of  an  estate  of  freehold  in  land  to  the 
value  of  40J.  per  annum,  or  other  estate  to  the  value  of 
^40.”  In  Virginia,  at  the  start,  all  freemen  were  allowed 
to  vote.  But  it  was  afterwards  decided  (1670)  that  the 
“ usuall  way  of  chuseing  burgesses  by  the  votes  of  all 
persons  who,  haveing  served  their  time,  are  freemen  of 
this  country,”  was  detrimental  to  the  colony;  and  the 
principle  was  laid  down  that  “a  voyce  in  such  election” 
should  be  given  “only  to  such  as  by  their  estates,  real 
or  personal!,  have  interest  enough  to  tye  them  to  the 
endeavour  of  the  publique  good.”  By  the  beginning  of 
the  eighteenth  century  a freehold  test  obtained  in  most, 
if  not  in  all,  the  colonies.  In  1746  Parliament  added  a 
further  qualification,  in  the  guise  of  a general  natural- 
ization law,  providing  that  a voter  must  have  resided 
seven  years  in  his  colony,  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance, 
and  professed  the  “Protestant  Christian  faith.” 

The  principle  of  representation,  by  which  a few  are 
charged  with  acting  and  speaking  for  the  many  in  the 
Representa-  conduct  of  public  affairs,  has  been  familiar 
non.  to  Englishmen  since  the  time  when  a parlia- 

ment was  convoked  during  the  contest  between  John 
and  the  barons  (1213).  The  practice  was  adopted  early 
in  the  history  of  the  colonies, — 'the  first  house  of  bur- 
gesses of  Virginia  meeting  in  1619;  while  in  Massa- 
chusetts, the  refusal  of  Watertown  (1632)  to  be  taxed 
without  representation  caused  the  adoption  of  the  plan  d 
sending  deputies  to  the  General  Court.  The  American 


1606-1775  ] Rights  of  Colonists. 


63 


colonial  assemblies  were  more  truly  representative  of  the 
great  body  of  the  people  than  the  English  Parliament 
of  the  period;  to-day,  male  suffrage  is  nearly  universal 
in  England,  and  entirely  so  in  all  the  British  depen- 
dencies, with  the  exception  of  the  Crown  colonies. 

In  the  American  colonies  the  execution  of  the  laws 
was  as  a rule  comparatively  an  easy  task.  ( The  English 
Rights  of  colonists  had  been  trained  in  the  political  art 
the  colonists.  0f  self-control ; they  had  an  abounding  regard 
for  just  laws  and  the  courts ; they  respected  prece- 
dent, and  stoutly  stood  for  the  common  law,  or  recog- 
nized customs  of  their  race.  They  were  restive  under 
statutes  which  conflicted  with  the  customary  rights  of 
Englishmen,  which  had  come  down  to  them  from  the 
earliest  times,  and  had  been  confirmed  by  Magna  Charta. 
These  rights  had  not  been  strictly  observed  by  the 
Tudor  sovereigns,  and  many  of  the  earlier  settlers  had  in 
the  mother-country  assisted  in  agitation  for  their  renewal. 
Now  that  they  were  transplanted  to  America,  the  strug- 
gle was  continued  at  long  range  with  the  Stuarts,  thus 
developing  in  the  colonists  a habit  of  resistance  which 
was  to  stand  them  in  good  stead  in  the  troublous  period 
leading  up  to  the  American  Revolution. 


b 


64 


[Ch.  IV. 


The  South, 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  COLONIZATIOH  OP  THE  SOUTH. 
(1606-1700.) 


27.  ^References. 

Bibliographies.  — Justin  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical  His - 
lory , 111.  153-166  (Virginia),  553-562  (Maryland)  ; V.  335-356  (Caro- 
linas);  Channing  and  Hart,  Guide , §§  97-103;  Notes  to  Edward 
Eggleston,  Beginners  of  a Nation. 

Historical  Maps.  — Nos.  2 and  3,  this  volume  ( Epoch  Mafs, 
Nos.  2,  3);  J.  A.  Doyle,  English  Colonies,  I.;  T.  MacCoun,  His- 
torical Geography;  Maps  in  Winsor  as  above;  school  histories  of 
Channing,  Thomas,  Johnston,  Scudder. 

General  Accounts.  — Justin  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical 
History , 111.  127-152  (Virginia),  517-552  (Maryland),  V.  2S5-334 
(Carolinas)  ; J.  A.  Doyle,  English  Colonies ; Geo.  Bancroft  (last  rev.), 
1.  84-175,  408-474;  Bryant  and  Gay,  I.  267-307,  476-516;  II.  22-77, 
97-125,  165-200,  266-319,  356-372;  III.  51-62;  R.  Hildreth,  I.  98- 
135 > 204-2I5)  335-367,  509-572;  H-  25-43  ; E.  D.  Neill,  English  Col- 
onization in  America;  S.  R.  Gardiner,  First  Two  Stuarts ; Hale, 
Fall  of  the  Stuarts,  H.  C.  Lodge,  Short  History  of  the  English 
Colonies  in  America  ; Edward  Eggleston,  Beginners  of  a Nation. 

Special  Histories.  — Virginia  : Cooke  ( American  Common- 
wealths')-, Campbell;  P.  A.  Bruce,  Economic  History. — Maryland: 
Browne  ; Scharf  ; Bozman.  — Carolinas  : j.  W.  Moore,  I.  1-27  ; 
Hewatt;  Hawks;  Martin. 

Contemporary  Accounts.  — John  Smith,  True  Relation 
(1608),  and  Generali  Historic  of  Virginia  (1624)  ; Newport,  Discov- 
eries in  Virginia;  Wingfield,  Discourse  of  Virginia  (1607-1608) 
Whitaker,  Good  Newes  from  Virginia  (1613);  Alexander  Brown, 
Genesis  of  the  United  States  ; Hartwell,  Blair,  and  Chilton,  Present 
State  of  Virginia  (1692);  R.  Beverly,  History  (1707);  Baltimore, 
Relation  of  Maryland  (1635);  Alsop,  Character  of  the  Province  op 
Maryland  (1666) ; Thomas  Ashe,  Carolina  (16S2);  j.  Lawson,  De- 
scription of  North  Carolina  ; J.  Hammond,  Leah  and  Rachel ; E.  D. 
Neill,  Terra  Maria.  — Reprints:  Force,  Tracts:  publications  of  the 
historical  societies  of  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Caro- 
lina; Carroll,  Historical  Collections ; Library  of  American  Litera- 
ture, I.,  II.  ; American  History  told  by  Contemporaries,  I.  part  iv.  ; 
American  History  Leaflets,  No.  27. 


i6oo  ] 


England  Overpopulated. 


65 


28.j  Reasons  for  Final  English  Colonization. 


By  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  it  was 
quite  evident  to  thoughtful  men  that  England  needed 
Overpopula-  r00m  f°r  growth.  The  population  of  the 
tionofEng-  island  had  greatly  increased  during  the  fif- 
seventeemh  teenth  and  sixteenth  centuries.  The  exten- 
century.  sjon  0£  tqe  w00j  trade  had  encouraged  the 
turning  of  vast  tracts  of  tillable  ground  into  sheep- 
pastures,  which  elbowed  large  communities  of  farm- 
laborers  out  of  their  calling.  England  at  large  waxed 
great,  the  condition  of  the  merchant  and  upper  classes 
was  improved,  but  the  peasant  remained  where  he  was, 
the  gulf  widening  between  him  and  those  above  him. 
The  growth  of  the  merchant  class  and  their  appearance 
on  the  scene  as  large  landholders,  still  further  lessened 
the  feudal  sympathy  between  peasant  and  landlord.  The 
land  abounded  with  idle  men.  Everywhere  was  noticed 
the  uneasiness  which  frets  a people  too  closely  packed  to 
find  ready  subsistence.  Starvation  induced  lawlessness. 
„ , . . ( Colonization  was  thought  by  many  to  be  the 

Colonization'  ....  , 

a means  of  only  means  of  obtaining  permanent  relief  from 

the  pressing  political  and  economic  dangers  of 
pauperism ; and  naturally  America,  from  which  Gosnold, 
Pring,  and  Weymouth  had  but  recently  brought  favor- 
able reports,  was  deemed  most  available  for  the  planting 
of  new  English  communities.^ 

But  the  temper  of  Englishmen  had  somewhat  changed 
since  the  days  of  Raleigh’s  brilliant  enterprises.  A spirit 
Chartered  o1^  s0^er  calculation  had  succeeded  with  the 
trading  com-  increase  of  the  mercantile  habit.  Raleigh 

pames  un-  . . 0 

dertake  the  was  out  of  favor,  and  there  were  no  longer 

task-  any  private  men  who  would  undertake  the 

task  of  colonization.  If  it  were  to  be  done  at  all, 
it  must  be  by  chartered  trading  companies ; and  natu- 


p-,.. 


66 


Southern  Colonies. 


[Ch.  IV. 


rally  they  looked  upon  all  ventures  with  merchants’ 
eyes  rather  than  statesmen’s.  The  career  of  the  Muscovy 
Company,  which  had  been  profitably  trading  to  Russia 
for  a half  century,  and  the  rapid  successes  achieved  by 
the  East  India  Company,  founded  in  1599,  were  pointed 
to  as  examples  of  what  could  be  done  in  this  direc- 
tion; although  the  obvious  fact  that  Russia  and  India 
were  old  and  wealthy  countries,  while  America  was  a 
savage-haunted  wilderness,  appears  not  to  have  been 
considered. 


29.  The  Charter  of  1006. 

Gosnold,  returning  from  his  voyage  to  New  England, 
was  ardent  in  the  desire  to  establish  a colony  in  the 
milder  climate  of  Virginia,  and  easily  won  to  his  support 
six  representative  Englishmen, — Richard  Hakluyt,  then 
prebendary  of  Westminster,  and  now  famous  as  an  editor 
of  the  chronicles  of  early  voyages ; Robert  Hunt,  a 
clergyman ; Sir  Thomas  Gates  and  Sir  George  Somers, 
two  “brave  and  pious  gentlemen ; ” a London  merchant 
named  Edward  Maria  Wingfield;  and  John  Smith,  a 
soldier.  As  a result  of  their  endeavors, — seconded  by 
Sir  John  Popham,  chief  justice  of  England,  and  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges  (page  41),  — a charter  was  granted 
by  King  James  (April  10,  1606)  to  a company  with 
The  London  tw0  subdivisions,  — i.  The  London  Company, 
and  Ply-  composed  of  London  merchants,  who  were 
Companies  to  establish  a colony  somewhere  between 
organized  tjie  24th  and  41st  degrees  of  latitude;  that 
is,  between  the  southern  limit  of  the  North  Carolina  of 
to-day  and  the  mouth  of  Hudson  River.  2.  The  Ply- 
mouth Company,  composed  chiefly  of  traders  and  coun- 
try gentlemen  in  the  West  of  England,  with  chief  offices 
at  Plymouth,  who  were  to  plant  a settlement  somewhere 
between  the  38th  and  45th  degrees ; that  is,  north  of  the 


i6o6.] 


Companies  and  Colonists. 


67 


mouth  of  the  Potomac,  and  south  of  the  Gulf  of  St. 
Lawrence.  But  neither  was  to  make  a planting  within 
one  hundred  miles  of  the  other,  although  their  assigned 
territories  overlapped  each  other  three  degrees.  Later 
(1609),  the  southern  colony  was  given  bounds  in  more 
specific  terms,  — it  was  to  extend  two  hundred  miles 
along  the  coast  in  either  direction  from  Old  Point  Com- 
fort, and  “up  into  the  land  from  sea  to  sea,  west  and 
northwest;”  this  latter  phrase  being  the  foundation  of 
the  later  claim  of  Virginia  to  the  Northwest. 

King  James,  unlike  Elizabeth,  did  not  favor  coloniza- 
tion; but  he  was  induced  to  yield  his  consent  to  this 
„ , undertaking.  The  colonies  established  under 

colonies  were  the  charter  were  directly  under  the  king’s  con- 
govemed.  ^rol,  and  not  under  that  of  Parliament.  The 
government  of  the  two  proposed  colonies  was  placed 
in  the  hands  of  two  resident  councils,  of  thirteen  mem- 
bers each,  nominated  by  the  Crown  from  among  the 
colonists ; while  above  them  was  a general  council  of 
fourteen  in  England,  also  appointed  by  the  king.  After- 
wards, eleven  other  persons,  similarly  selected,  were 
added  to  the  council  in  England. 

The  resident  council  was  to  govern  according  to  laws, 
ordinances,  and  instructions  dictated  by  the  Crown. 
Royal  in-  The  roya’  instructions  sent  out  with  the  first 
structions  colonists  to  Virginia  stipulated  that  the  Church 
Virginia  England  and  the  king’s  supremacy  must  be 

colonists.  maintained,  but  the  president  of  the  council 
must  not  be  in  holy  orders.  The  land  tenure  was  to  be 
the  same  as  in  England.  Jury  trial  was  guaranteed. 
Summary  punishment  must  be  enforced  for  drunkards, 
vagrants,  and  vagabonds,  while  the  death  penalty  was 
prescribed  for  rioting,  mutiny,  and  treason,  murder,  man- 
slaughter, and  offences  against  chastity.  The  resident 
council  might  coin  money  and  control  the  extraction  ot 


68 


Southern  Colonics. 


[Ch  IV. 


all  precious  metals,  giving  one  fifth  to  the  Crown.  I„ 
might  also  make  provisions  for  the  proper  administration 
of  public  affairs  ; but  all  laws  were  to  remain  in  vogue 
only  conditionally,  till  ratified  by  the  general  council  in 
England  or  the  Crown.  In  another  clause  the  king 
declared  that  all  ordinances  should  be  “ consonant  to  the 
laws  of  England  and  the  equity  thereof.”  All  trade  was 
to  be  public,  and  in  charge  of  a treasurer  or  cape  mer- 
chant,— an  officer  chosen  by  the  resident  council  from 
its  own  membership.  All  the  produce  of  the  colony  was 
to  be  brought  to  a magazine,  from  which  settlers  were  to 
be  supplied  with  necessaries  by  the  cape  merchant. 
Doyle  says  : “ The  company  . . . was  to  be  a vast  joint- 
stock  farm,  or  collection  of  farms,  worked  by  servants 
who  were  to  receive,  in  return  for  their  labor,  all  their 
necessaries  and  a share  in  the  proceeds  of  the  under- 
taking.” As  a pious  afterthought,  the  colonists  were 
admonished  “to  show  kindness  to  the  savages  and  hea- 
then people  in  those  parts,  and  use  all  proper  means  to 
draw  them  to  the  true  knowledge  and  service  of  God.” 

The  rights  given  to  the  patentees,  represented  in  the 
general  council  in  England,  were  : free  transport  of  emi- 

The  rights  Srants  ar|d  ?oods-  the  right  t0  exact  a duty  of 
of  thr8’  S two  and  one  half  per  cent  on  trade  with  the 
patentees.  co]ony  by  Englishmen,  and  five  per  cent  on 
trade  by  foreigners.  For  twenty-one  years  the  proceeds 
of  the  enterprise  were  to  accrue  to  the  company;  after 
that,  to  the  Crown. 

It  should  be  noted  that  this  patent,  given  by  James  to 
the  combined  London  and  Plymouth  companies,  differed 
, . . greatly  from  that  granted  by  Elizabeth  to 

granted  too  Gilbert  and  Raleigh,  for  it  prescribed  a consti- 
much  power  tution  for  the  colonies,  and  left  but  little  to 
the  judgment  of  the  patentees.  The  latter,  in  their 
eagerness  to  get  a commercial  charter,  had  allowed  the 


6g 


i6o6.] 


Settlement  of  Virginia. 


king  to  assume  an  undue  political  control  over  their 
establishment.  It  was  fortunate  for  Englishmen,  both 
in  America  and  England,  that  James  was  a weak  mon- 
arch. He  might  readily  have  used  his  supreme  power 
over  the  Virginia  colonists,  not  only  to  browbeat  them  at 
will,  but  to  tax  them  unmercifully  for  the  purpose  of 
raising  money,  with  which  he  would  be  the  better 
enabled  to  bid  the  home  Parliament  defiance  while  at- 
tacking the  liberties  of  his  people.  He  did  not  lack 
desire,  but  was  wanting  in  courage  and  astuteness, 
and  allowed  those  shrewder  than  himself  gradually  to 
re-shape  the  American  charter  until,  within  twenty  years, 
Virginia  had  emerged  into  practical  independence. 

SOl1)  The  Settlement  of  Virginia  (1607-1624). 


The  London  Company,  of  which  Hakluyt.  Somers,  and 
Gates  were  the  most  active  spirits,  was  first  in  the  field. 
The  London  A hundred  and  forty-t.hree^_co1onists  were 
firetnfthe  gathered  aboard  three  ships,  — the  “ Discov- 
fieid.  ery,”  the  “ Good  Speed,”  and  the  “ Susan 

Constant,” — which  on  the  19th  of  December,  1606, 
sailed  down  the  Thames,  on  the  way  to  Virginia.  The 
composition  of  the  party  was  not  promising.  Most 
of  them  were  “gentlemen,”  unused  to  and 
of  the  scorning  manual  toil  ; only  twelve  were  labor- 

coomsts.  ers  . an[j  among  the  artisans  were  “jewellers, 

gold-refiners,  and  a perfumer.”  Adventure,  mines,  and 
golden  sands  were  in  the  minds  of  the  company,  and  the 
“ gentlemen  ” doubtless  thought  they  were  out  for  a 
holiday  excursion.  The  fact  that  there  were  neither 
women  nor  children  in  the  expedition  shows  how  little 
conception  these  people  had  of  the  true  mission  of  a 
colony.  The  little  fleet  was  in  charge  of  Christopher 
Newport,  a seaman  of  good  reputation,  with  whom 
Gosnold  was  associated. 


70 


Southern  Colonies. 


[Ch.  IV. 


Among  the  party  was  one  of  the  patentees,  — Captain 
John  Smith.  He  was  the  son  of  a Lincolnshire  gentle- 
, , „ man:  and  being  a soldier  of  fortune,  had 
travelled  and  experienced  adventures  in  many 
European  countries, — a brave,  robust,  self-reliant,  public- 
spirited,  enterprising,  humane,  and  withal  a boastful  Eng- 
lishman, he  has  come  down  to  us  as  one  of  the  most 
romantic  figures  in  American  history.  Smith’s  active 
temperament  was  not  at  first  appreciated  by  his  fellow- 
colonists,  and  in  a fit  of  jealousy  on  shipboard  they  put 
him  into  irons  upon  a silly  charge  of  conspiracy;  and 
though  he  had  been  named  a councillor  by  the  king,  he 
was  not  allowed  to  participate  in  the  government  for 
jiearly  a month  after ^landing. 

Oil  the  sixteenth  of  April,  1607,  land  was  sighted,  and 
the  adventurers  soon  entered  Chesapeake  Bay,  naming 
Jamestown  the  outlying  capes,  Henry  and  Charles,  after 
seUled-  the  king's  sons,  and  the  river,  which  they  soon 
ascended,  the  James,  in  honor  of  the  monarch  him- 
self. Fifty  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  river  is  “a 
low  peninsula  half  buried  in  the  tide  at  high  water,” 
which  they  unfortunately  selected  as  the  site  of  a town ; 
and  landing  there  on  the  thirteenth  of  May,  they  called 
the  place  Jamestown.  Wingfield,  one  of  the  patentees, 
was  chosen  president  of  the  resident  council,  explor- 
ing parties  were  sent  out,  fortifications  were  begun, 
and  a few  log-huts  reared.  The  colonists  had  been 
instructed  by  the  English  council  to  search  for  water 
passages  running  through  to  the  Pacific.  A party  soon 
set  out,  under  Newport  and  Smith;  but  on  reaching 
the  falls  of  the  James  turned  back.  At  first  they  were 
troubled  by  Indians  ; but  peace  had  been  made  with  the 
neighboring  chief  before  Newport  left  for  England,  the 
twenty-second  of  June. 

The  marshes  were  rank,  the  water  was  bad,  and  food 


1607-1609.] 


Smith  in  Control. 


71 


scanty  at  Jamestown.  The  colonists  were  for  the  most 
part  a shiftless  set,  lacking  the  hab't  of  industry.  The 
A dismal  heat  was  s0  intense  during  the  first  summer 
summer.  that  few  houses  were  built,  and  the  tents  were 
rotten  and  leaky.  The  natives,  being  ill-treated,  soon 
broke  out  again  into  hostilities.  When  autumn  came, 
fifty  of  the  colonists  had  died.  “Some  departed  sud- 
denly,” wrote  a chronicler,  “ but  for  the  most  part 
they  died  of  mere  famine.  There  were  never  English- 
men left  in  a foreign  country  in  such  misery  as  we  were 
in  this  new  discovered  Virginia.  ...  It  would  make 
. . . hearts  bleed  to  hear  the  pitiful  murmurings  and 

outcries.”  The  only  men  in  office  who  had  not  in  some 
degree  succumbed  to  the  miseries  of  the  situation  were 
Gosnoldj  a man  of  really  superior  ability,  and  Smith 
himself,  the  latter  having  now  attained  to  supreme  control 
by  common  consent.  Smith  compelled  his  people  .to 
labor,  — “he  that  will  not  work  shall  not  eat,”  was  his 
dictum,  — maintained  trade  with  the  Indians,  among 
whom  he  became  popular,  drilled  the  little  garrison,  kept 
up  the  fortifications,  explored  and  mapped  the  country 
and  the  coast,  wrote  appeals  for  assistance  to  London, 
and  was  the  life  and  soul  of  the  colony  for  two  years. 

In  1609  Newport  had  come  out  with  supplies  and  one 
hundred  and  twenty  emigrants,  -who  again  were  mainly 
“ gentlemen,  goldsmiths,  and  libertines ; ” and  he  promptly 
sailed  back  with  a load  of  worthless  shining  earth. 
Smith  found  the  new-comers  seized  with  a frenzy  for 
discovering  gold  mines,  and  his  troubles  increased.  The 

company,  impatient  for  returns,  were  disap- 
Smiththe  . , , , . . , , . d 

savior  of  the  pointed  because  he  insisted  on  having  the 

colony.  people  cultivate  the  rich  soil,  build  houses, 

trade  with  the  natives,  and  explore,  rather  than  go 

.seeking  for  gold  where  there  was  none.  He  appears  to 

have  been  the  only  man  of  authority  in  the  enterprise 


7 2 


Southern  Colonies. 


ICh.  IV 


who  understood  the  true  conditions  of  colonization.  He 
had  repeatedly  urged  the  patentees  in  London  to  cease 
sending  him  gentlemen,  idlers,  and  curious  handicrafts- 
men, and  instead  of  such  to  ship  “ carpenters,  husband- 
men gardeners,  fishermen,  blacksmiths,  masons,  and 
diggers  up  of  trees’  roots  ; ” and  insisted  that  they  “ as 
yet  must  not  look  for  profitable  returning.”  To  Smith 
we  owe  it  that  Jamestown  lived  through  all  its  early  dis- 
asters, so  that  when  he  left  it,  in  October,  1609,  it 
had  acquired  a foothold  and  was  the  nucleus  of  per- 
manent settlement  in  Virginia.  He  never  again  returned 
to  the  colony,  although  in  later  years  we  find  him 
diligently  exploring  the  New  England  coast. 

With  the  following  year  began  a new  order  of  things. 
The  London  Company,  stimulated  by  ill  success,  had 
The  king  gained  from  the  king  many  of  the  powers 
yields  some  heretofore  reserved  to  himself,  and  secured 

01  nis  pre- 

rogatives.  the  appointment  of  Lord  Delaware  as  gover- 
nor and  captain-general;  he  was  authorized  to  rule 
by  martial  law,  thus  depriving  the  turbulent  colonists 
of  numerous  privileges  heretofore  given  them.  Dela- 
ware was  in  Jamestown  but  for  one  year,  being 
succeeded  by  Sir  Thomas  Dale  (1611),  who  found  the 
Administra-  colony  in  ill  condition ; many  of  its  servants 
tions  of  had  defaulted,  and  there  was  a large  defi- 

Delaware  7 . o 

and  Dale.  ciency.  In  March  following  (1612),  the  com- 
pany obtained  a fresh  charter,  giving  it  still  further 
powers  of  self-direction  and  of  dealing  with  crime  and 
insubordination,  and  adding  to  its  domain  the  Bermudas, 
or  Somers  Islands,  — called  thus  after  Sir  George  Somers, 
who  had  touched  at  them  in  1609  while  on  a voyage  of 
relief  to  Virginia.  Dale,  now  possessed  of  enlarged 
authority,  met  with  excellent  success  in  bringing  the 
unruly  mob  of  settlers  under  control  of  the  military 
code,  and  induced  fresh  immigration  of  a somewhat 


73 


1617-1619-] 


Charters  and  Burgesses. 


better  class.  He  caused  the  abandonment  of  the  non- 
progressive and  unsatisfactory  system  of  communal  pro- 
prietorship, introduced  individual  allotment,  and  broadened 
the  foundations  of  a prosperous  State. 

Samuel  Argali,  “ a sea-captain  of  piratical  tastes,” 
followed  Dale  in  the  governorship  (1617),  but  was  soon 
recalled  (1618),  because  the  settlers  complained  bitterly 
of  tyrannical  and  mercenary  treatment  at  his  hands.  The 
liberals  in  England  — prominent  among  whom  were  Sir 
Edwin  Sandys  and  the  Earl  of  Southampton  — had  now 
Liberals ^ain  gained  control  of  the  corporation,  and  were 
control  of  figh ting  the  king  through  the  colony,  with  the 
pany.  result  that  Virginia  gained  in  the  next  few 

years  political  privileges  which  were  never  after  wholly 
relinquished  ; the  colonists,  too,  had,  in  the  case  of 
Argali,  learned  the  power  of  organized  resistance, — a 
lesson  which  long  stood  them  in  good  stead. 

The  colony  was  granted  a representative  assembly,  — 
the  first  in  America,  — called  the  house  of  burgesses, 
First  meet-  which  was  first  convened  in  June,  1619.  In 
: of  the  the  words  of  the  brief  e declaration,”  written 
a few  years  later,  “ That  they  might  have  a 
bande  in  the  governinge  of  themselves,  y‘  was  graunted 
that  a general  Assemblie  shoulde  be  helde  yearly  once, 
whereat  were  to  be  present  the  Govr  and  Counsell  wth  two 
Burgesses  from  each  Plantation,  freely  to  be  elected  hy 
the  Inhabitants  thereof,  this  Assemblie  to  have  power  to 
make  and  ordaine  whatsoever  lawes  and  orders  should 
by  them  be  thought  good  and  profitable  for  our  subsis. 
tance.”  In  this  assembly  Governor  Yeardley  (arrived 
April,  1619)  and  his  council  had  seats  and  took  active 
part.  The  effect  of  this  convention,  composed  of  twenty- 
two  burgesses,  representing  eleven  “ cities", ” "‘TTundre  ds,” 
amT^lamtations,”  was  greatly  to  restrict  the  governor’s 
power,  heretofore  quite  absolute.  Yeardley  was  a judi 


assembly. 


7 4 


Southern  Colonies. 


[Ch.  iv. 


cious  executive,  and  the  settlement,  in  spite  of  many 
difficulties,  prospered  under  his  rule.  Men  with  families 
began  to  come  out  from  England;  but  an  unfortunate 
element  in  the  immigration  of  the  time  was  the  class 
Indented  °f  indented  servants,  which  not  only  included 
servants.  convicts  and  vagabonds,  but  was  largely  made 
up  of  boys  and  girls  entrapped  on  the  London  streets 
by  press-gangs  and  hurried  off  to  Virginia  to  be  forci- 
bly placed  in  servitude  for  long  terms  of  years, — the 
nucleus  of  the  “poor  white”  element  in  the  South. 
Another  and  far  worse  disaster  befell  the  colony  this 
year  (1619).  Twenty  African  slaves,  the  first  in  America, 
Introduction  were  landed  and  sold  in  Jamestown  from  a 
of  slavery.  Dutch  man-of-war.  This  was  the  beginning 
of  a large  and  wide-spreading  traffic  in  human  beings 
throughout  the  Southern  colonies. 

In  1622  Sir  Francis  Wyatt  succeeded  Governor 
Yeardley,  and  brought  out  with  him,  as  a gift  to  the 
colonists,  a most  unexpected  political  con- 

Furtlier  . _ . r r „ f., 

political  cession, — confirmation  of  all  liberties  pre- 
concessions. vi0uS]y  granted,  and  definite  assurances  and 
provisions  for  the  regular  assemblage  of  the  house  of 
burgesses.  It  is  no  wonder  that  the  king  declared  the 
London  Company,  with  its  free  debates  and  bold  experi- 
ments in  popular  government  in  Virginia,  “a  seminary 
for  a seditious  Parliament.” 

The  following  year  (1623)  the  Indians  combined 
against  the  whites,  who  had  persistently  maltreated  them, 
and  more  than  three  hundred  settlers  were  killed.  This 
loss,  which  was  a serious  blow  to  the  colony,  was  one 
of  the  grounds  urged  by  James  in  annulling 

Virginia  be-  , , ° , 

comes  a royal  the  company  s charter  (1624).  I hereupon  the 
province.  settlers  passed  under  the  immediate  control  of 
the  king,  — which  was,  on  principle,  an  improvement  over 
government  by  a profit-seeking  commercial  company,  how- 


7 5 


1619-1644-]  Government  of  Virginia. 

ever  liberal  the  tendencies  of  the  latter.  The  growing 
of  tobacco  had  by  this  time  become  an  important  indus- 
try in  Virginia, — forty  thousand  pounds  being  shipped 
to  England  in  1620, — and  both  James  and  his  son  and 
successor,  Charles,  received  a considerable  revenue  from 
taxes  on  the  product. 

31.  Virginia  during  the  English  Revolution 
(1624-1660). 

After  a succession  of  inefficient  governors,  Sir  John 
Harvey  came  out  in  1629,  being  the  first  serving  under 

direct  royal  appointment.  Harvey  proved  ■ g 
admihisira-  obnoxious  to  the  colonists  because  of  his  des-  ,j 
noii.  potic  rule  and  constant  attempt  to  brow-beat 

the  house  of  burgesses;  by  the  latter  he  was  “thrust 
out  of  his  government  ” in  1635,  whereupon  he  hastened 
to  England  to  plead  his  cause  before  Charles.  The 
king,  much  incensed  at  the  unruly  temper  of  his  people, 
ordered  the  governor  back ; but  four  years  later,  desirous 
of  mollifying  the  Virginians,  upon  the  profits  of  whose 
tobacco-raising  he  had  an  eye,  the  king  supplanted  Har- 
vey, and  again  sent  out  Wyatt.  Under  his  mild  rule 
the  colony  once  more  lifted  its  head. 

Sir  William  Berkeley  succeeded  Wyatt  in  1642. 
While  frequently  quarrelling  with  the  assembly,  as  all 
Berkeley’s  the  royal  governors  did,  and  eager  for  the 
first  term.  spoils  of  office,  he  was  an  educated,  courtly 
gentleman  and  a courageous  statesman,  though  often 
unscrupulous  and  overbearing.  A man  of  strong 
passions  and  convictions,  he  was  a pitiless  hater  of 
enemies  of  the  State;  and  in  his  estimation  Puritans  and 
Catholics  were  more  prominent  in  that  category  than  the 
marauding  savages  who  skulked  in  the  forests.  A second 
Indian  uprising  (1644)  was  vigorously  suppressed  by  the 
governor. 


76 


Southern  Colonies. 


[Ch.  IV 


, During  the  great  struggle  in  England  between 
Charles  I.  and  the  Long  Parliament  (1642-1G49),  public 
^ . , sentiment  in  Virginia  was  with  the  king.; 

During  the  ° a 

Long  Par-  1 here  were  but  few  Puritans  in  or  about 
Jamestown,  and  they  had  for  the  most  part 
come  in  from  New  England  under  Harvey’s  administra- 
tion ; their  missionary  labors  in  the  conservative  South 
were  unwelcome,  and  they  were  warned  “ to  depart  the 
collony  with  all  conveniencie,” — [ while  the  Papists,  who 
had  settled  Maryland  in  1634  under  Lord  Baltimore, 
were  not  tolerated  in  Virginia  under  any  conditions.'] 
The  execution  of  Charles  (1649)  naturally  aroused  deep 
V -mi  indignation  among  the  colonists,  refugee  Cava- 
refuge  for  liers  from  England  soon  joined  them  by  thou- 
Cavahers.  sancjS)  ancj  Berkeley  seriously,  but  in  vain, 
invited  Charles  II.  to  take  up  his  abode  among  his 
American  subjects.  The  extent  of  this  sudden  influx 
of  Cavalier  immigration  to  the  colony  was  so  great  that 
while  the  population  of  Virginia  was  but  fifteen  thousand 
in  1650,  it  had  increased  to  forty  thousand  by  1670. 

Parliament,  however,  was  not  disposed  to  allow  Vir- 
ginia to  become  a breeding-place  for  disloyalty  to  the 
Parliament-  Commonwealth,  and  appointed  commissioners 
sioners'take  C1^2)’  to  whom  the  colony  was  surrendered 
possession,  with  surprising  promptness.  “ No  sooner,” 
wrote  Lord  Clarendon,  “had  the  ‘Guinea’  frigate  an- 
chored in  the  waters  of  the  Chesapeake  than  all  thoughts 
of  resistance  were  laid  aside.”  The  Puritan  party  at 
once  took  charge  of  the  government,  ruling  with  modera- 
tion and  wisdom;  and  the  colony,  now  allowed  the  utmost 
freedom  in  the  conduct  of  its  home  affairs,  prospered 
politically  and  financially  under  the  Protectorate. 

Among  the  commissioners  was  William  Clayborne,  an 
able,  resolute,  and  passionate  Virginian,  who  was  the 
leader  of  the  Puritan  party,  and  carried  on  a consider 


1631-1656.]  Parliamentary  Control.  77 

able  trade  with  Nova  Scotia,  New  England,  and  Manhat- 
tan. He  had  been  much  before  the  public  of  late  years. 

, , The  grant  of  Maryland  to  Lord  Baltimore 

Clayborne  s & / . . 

quarrel  with  was  regarded  by  Virginians  as  an  invasion  of 
Maryland.  thejr  territory  ; and  Clayborne,  holding  a royal 
license  to  trade  in  that  region,  had  planted  a settlement 
(1631)  on  Kent  Island,  in  Chesapeake  Bay,  within  the  lim- 
its now  claimed  by  Baltimore.  Not  acknowledging  Balti 
more’s  proprietorship  there,  he  was  summarily  ejected. 
The  following  year  (1635)  he  led  a party  of  rangers 
against  Maryland,  compelled  the  Catholic  governor,  Cal- 
vert, to  fly  to  Virginia,  and  seized  the  government  him- 
self ; being  soon  expelled,  however,  by  Calvert,  who  had 
now  secured  Berkeley’s  support.  As  one  of  the  Round- 
head  commissioners  to  settle  the  affairs  of  the  colonies, 
the  turbulent  Clayborne  proceeded  promptly  to  pay  back 
some  of  his  old  debts  against  the  Maryland  Catholics. 
In  1654,  Puritan  invaders  of  Maryland,  headed  by  Clay- 
borne, who  was  now  Secretary  of  the  Province  of  Vir- 
ginia, met  the  Catholics  near  the  mouth  of  the  Severn 
River  and  worsted  them,  thus  again  obtaining  tempo- 
rary control  of  the  northern  colony.  Three  years  later 
a compromise  was  reached  between  Baltimore  and  the 
Puritans. 

Richard  Bennett  was  the  first  governor  of  Virginia 
under  the  Commonwealth  (1652),  being  elected  by  the 
Governors  burgesses  and  receiving  his  authority  from 
Common-  them.  He  was  succeeded  by  Edward  Digges 
wealth.  (1655)  and  Samuel  Matthews  (1656),  both 
similarly  chosen.  They  quarrelled  with  the  burgesses, 
like  the  governors  of  old,  but  were  worthy  and  sensi- 
ble men,  and  when  outvoted  generally  yielded  with  grace. 
Clayborne’s  affair  with  Maryland  and  an  unimportant 
Indian  panic  (1656)  were  the  only  clouds  upon  the  hori- 
zon during  this  tranquil  period. 


78 


Southern  Colonies. 


[Ch.  IV 


32.  Development  of  Virginia  (1660-1700). 

When  Oliver  Cromwell  died  (1658),  his  successor, 
Richard,  was  accepted  in  Virginia  without  question  ; but 
Berkeley  when  the  latter  the  following  year  abdicated, 
recalled.  Berkeley  was  quickly  recalled,  as  “the  servant 
of  the  people,”  from  peaceful  retirement  on  his  country 
estate;  and  upon  the  Restoration  (1660)  the  king’s  party 
The  Res-  was  suffered  again  to  take  control  of  the  gov- 
toration.  ernment,  and  Clayborne  was  dismissed  from 
the  secretaryship.  The  return  of  the  Royalists  to  power 
was  accompanied  in  Virginia  by  harsh  measures  against 
Dissenters,  by  the  enforcement  of  the  Navigation  Act 
under  which  the  colonists  were  obliged  to  ship  their  to- 
bacco to  English  ports  alone,  and  to  import  no  European 
goods  except  in  vessels  loaded  in  England,  and  by  the 
gift  of  the  entire  province  to  Lords  Arlington  and  Cul- 
pepper. The  Puritans,  angered  by  the  harshness  and 
profligacy  of  the  church,  by  economic  distress  occasioned 
by  the  navigation  laws,  and  by  the  ruthless  invalidation 
of  long-established  land-titles,  rose  against  the  provincial 
government  in  1663,  and  were  not  repressed  until  several 
of  their  leaders  were  hanged.  The  government  became 
corrupt  and  despotic,  and  for  many  years  the  people 
were  denied  the  privilege  of  electing  a new  house  of 
burgesses,  — the  Royalist  house  chosen  at  the  time  of 
the  Restoration  holding  over  by  prorogation. 

The  Bacon  rebellion  (1676)  was  an  outgrowth  of  the 
general  discontent.  The  Indians  were  murdering  set- 
The  Bacon  tiers  'n  the  frontier  counties ; but  Berkeley, 
rebellion.  accused  of  having  fur-trade  interests  at  stake, 
and  perhaps  fearing  to  have  the  people  armed,  dismissed 
the  self-organized  volunteers  who  proposed  to  go  out 
against  the  savages.  Nathaniel  Bacon,  a popular  young 
member  of  the  council,  honest  and  courageous,  but  indis- 


1658-1692.] 


Bacon's  Rebellion. 


79 


creet,  tool'  it  upon  himself  to  raise  a small  force  for  the 
purpose.  Berkeley  refused  Bacon  a military  commission, 
and  declared  him  and  his  rangers  rebels,  and  sought  to 
crush  them  with  the  regular  militia.  Through  the  suc- 
ceeding four  months  Virginia  was  thrown  into  confusion 
by  a warfare  which  resembled  the  stormy  military  duels 
with  which  the  South  American  republics  have  been  so 
often  harassed.  The  opposing  forces  had  varying  for- 
tunes, and  the  fickle  militiamen  rallied  under  one  standard 
or  the  other,  according  to  the  direction  of  the  wind.  Har- 
rying Berkeley  out  of  Jamestown,  Bacon  burned  the  capital 
to  ashes,  “ that  the  rogues  should  harbor  there  no  more.” 
In  October  he  died,  either  from  poisoning  or  swamp- 
fever.  His  adherents,  having  no  other  cohesion  than 
their  sympathy  for  him,  now  scattered,  and  were  caught 
by  Berkeley,  who  executed  twenty-three  of  them,  and 
returned  to  Jamestown  to  renew  his  tyrannical  policy  for 
a time  undisturbed.  But  even  Charles  tired  of  his  gov- 
ernor’s harsh  and  bloody  doings,  saying  : “ That  old  fool 
has  hanged  more  men  in  that  naked  country  than  I have 
done  for  the  murder  of  my  father.”  Berkeley 
recaifed'by  was  summoned  to  England,  his  departure 
the  kmg.  being  celebrated  by  the  colonists  with  salutes, 
bonfires,  and  general  rejoicings.  The  king  refused  him 
an  audience  upon  his  arrival  in  London,  and  Berkeley 
died  (1677)  “of  a broken  heart.” 

The  Royalists  were  now  in  full  power,  the  friends  of 
Bacon  discreetly  held  their  peace,  and  the  governors 
were  allowed  to  browbeat  and  rob  the  prov- 
underTh™  ince  at  their  will.  The  successor  to  Berke- 
Royalists.  jey  was  (y0]0nei  sir  Herbert  Jeffries  (1677)  ; 
after  him  came  Sir  Henry  Chicheley  (1678),  Thomas 
Lord  Culpepper,  one  of  the  proprietors  under  the  king’s 
patent  (1679),  Lord  HowarJ  of  Effingham  (1684),  Sir 
Francis  Nicholson  (1690),  Sir  Edmund  Andros  (1692), 


8o 


Southern  Colonies. 


[Cm  IV. 


and  Nicholson  again  (1698).  During  the  administration 
of  Culpepper,  who  was  a greedy  extortionist,  the  tobacco- 
planters  rose  in  rebellion  because  of  the  disaster  to  their 
industry  brought  on  by  the  attempt  of  government  to 
regulate  prices  and  establish  ports  of  shipment.  The 
governor  hanged  a number  of  the  offenders,  and  still  fur- 
ther added  to  his  unpopularity  as  a ruler  and  his  noto- 
riety as  a rascal  by  arbitrarily  and  for  his  own  gain 
raising  and  lowering  the  standard  of  coinage. 

These  closing  years  of  the  seventeenth  century  were 
sorry  times  for  Virginia.  Riots  and  consequent  impris- 
onments and  hangings  were  ordinary  events.  Nicholson 
told  the  gentlemen  of  the  province  that  he  would  “ beat 
them  into  better  manners,”  or  “ bring  them  to  reason 
with  halters  about  their  necks.”  The  people  were  dis- 
contented, the  province  grew  poorer  as  each  new  gov- 
ernor introduced  some  fresh  extortion,  immigration 
practically  ceased,  and  the  spirit  of  political  independence 
was  torpid. 

There  were  two  or  three  gleams  of  sunshine  during 
this  period  of  almost  total  darkness.  Delegates  were 
Virginia  in  sent  *°  Albany  in  1684  to  represent  the 
the  Albany  province  at  the  famous  council  to  consider  a 
Council.  0f  union  for  repressing  Indian  outbreaks. 

It  was  one  of  the  earliest  attempts  at  the  confederation 
of  the  colonies, — a scheme  which  Governor  Nicholson 
persistently  fostered,  in  the  vain  hope,  it  is  said,  of  being 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  united  provinces  as  governor- 
general.  Again,  under  Nicholson’s  rule  (1691),  the  house 
Establish-  burgesses  sent  Commissary  Blair  to  Eng- 
ment  of  wil-  land  to  solicit  a patent  for  a college.  This 
Mary  was  obtained,  and  in  1693  the  agent  returned 

College.  with  the  charter  of  “William  and  Mary,”  the 
second  university  in  America,  — Harvard,  in  Massa- 
chusetts being  the  first  and  Yale,  founded  in  1701,  the 


1684— 1 701  •]  Progress  of  Virginia . 81 


third.  The  new  college  was  set  up  at  Williamsburg, 
whither  Governor  Nicholson  had  removed  the  capital  of 
the  province.  Another  event,  quite  as  significant,  sig- 
Arrival  of  nalized  the  close  of  the  century.  De  Riche- 
Huguenots.  bourg’s  colony  of  Huguenots  settled  (1699)  on 
the  upper  waters  of  the  James  and  “infused  a stream  of 
pure  and  rich  blood  into  Virginia  society.” 

Thus,  in  the  ninety  years  from  1607  to  1697,  the  pop- 
ulation of  Virginia  had  increased  from  a few  score  to 
nearly  a hundred  thousand ; the  dreams  of  speedy  wealth 
entertained  by  the  patentees  had  been  idle,  but  the  hard 
labor  of  Englishmen,  supplemented  by  the  forced  service 
of  negroes,  had  built  up  a prosperous  agricultural  com- 
munity. More  important  still  was  it  that,  through  all 
the  vicissitudes  of  control,  of  government  in  England, 
and  of  party  in  America,  the  germ  of  popular  govern- 
ment had  grown  into  an  established  system,  jealously 
watched  by  the  colonies. 


Settlement  of  Maryland  (1832-1635). 


George  Calvert,  Lord  Baltimore,  had  been  one  of  the 
members  of  the  London  Company  as  well  as  a councillor 
in  the  Plymouth  Company.  From  the  begin- 

George  csl*  , « . . . . . 

vert.  Lord  mng  of  the  century  he  had  taken  a strong 

Baltimore  interest  in  English  colonization  schemes.  A 
staunch  Roman  Catholic,  he  was  (1618-1625)  principal 
Secretary  of  State  to  James  I.  Baltimore’s  observation 
of  the  turbulent  career  of  Virginia  had  convinced  him 
that  a commercial  colony  could  not  be  successful,  because 
of  divided  administration  and  the  mercenary  aims  of  non- 
resident stockholders.  He  went  out  with  a colony  to 
Newfoundland  (1621)  under  a proprietary  patent,  but  the 
inhospitable  climate  was  against  the  project.  In  1629  he 
landed  at  Jamestown  with  forty  Catholic  colonists;  but 
6 


Southern  Colonics. 


82 


[Ch.  IV. 


the  Protestant  Virginians  made  it  uncomfortable  for  the 
Romanists,  and  they  returned  to  England. 

Baltimore  thereupon  secured  a charter  from  King 
Charles  I.  for  a tract  of  country  north  of  Potomac  river, 
„ the  limits  being  imperfectly  defined,  — on 

charter  for  the  north,  the  fortieth  degree  of  latitude  (the 
Maryland.  southern  boundary  of  the  Plymouth  Company’s 
patent)  ; on  the  west,  a line  drawn  due  north  from  the 
head  of  the  Potomac.  The  lands  embraced  in  this  grant 
were  within  the  bounds  of  Virginia,  as  specified  in  1609, 
but  had  thus  far  not  been  occupied.  At  the  king’s  re- 
quest the  country  was  named  Maryland,  in  honor  of  his 
queen,  Henrietta  Maria.  Lord  Baltimore  died  before  the 
charter  had  passed  the  seal,  and  was  succeeded  in  his 
Hisson Cecil  r’ghts  and  titles  by  his  son  Cecil.  The  prov- 
succeeds  ince  of  Maryland  being  made  a palatinate, 
Lord  Baltimore  was  given  almost  royal  powers, 
the  Crown  reserving  feudal  supremacy  and  exacting  a 
nominal  yearly  tribute.  The  proprietor  could  declare 
Provisions  of  war,  niake  peace,  appoint  all  officers,  includ- 
the  charter.  jng  judgeS)  rule  by  martial  law,  pardon  crim- 
inals, and  confer  titles.  He  was  to  summon  the  freemen 
to  assist  him  in  making  laws,  which  were  to  be  similar 
to  those  of  England,  but  did  not  require  the  king’s  confir- 
mation, and  need  not  be  sent  to  England.  It  was  there- 
fore impossible  for  the  Privy  Council  to  check  or  inaugu- 
rate legislation  in  Maryland.  The  relations  between  the 
Crown  and  his  lordship  being  thus  established,  it  was 
left  for  the  colonists  and  the  proprietor  to  settle  their 
relation  under  the  charter;  but  no  tax  could  be  levied 
without  consent  of  the  freemen. 

In  November,  1633,  Cecil  sent  out  his  brother  Leonard 
St.  Mary’s  with  two  hundred  colonists, — some  twenty  of 
founded.  whom  were  gentlemen,  and  the  others  laborers 
and  mechanics,  — and  in  March  following  they  founded 


83 


1629-1638.]  Maryland  Founded. 

a town  near  the  mouth  of  the  Potomac,  calling  it  St. 
Mary’s.  The  troubles  with  Clayborne,  the  Virginian 
Quarrel  with  who  had  made  a settlement  on  Kent  Island, 
Clayborne.  jn  the  Chesapeake  and  within  Baltimore’s 
grant,  have  already  been  alluded  to  (page  77).  The 
dispute  was  a protracted  one,  and  gave  rise  to  much 
ill-feeling  and  some  bloodshed. 

Many  of  Baltimore’s  colonists  were  Protestants.  He 
was,  however,  sincere  in  his  desire  for  complete  religious 
Reli'Hous  toleration,  and  did  not  appear  to  concern  him- 
toleration.  sejf  jn  wilat  his  subjects  believed.  ( The  Jesuit 
priests  accompanying  the  party  exerted  their  influence 
Humane  ’n  behalf  of  a humane  treatment  of  the  In- 
treatment of  dians,  and  a cordial  friendship  was  soon  es- 
tablished with  the  resident  tribes. ) As  for  the 
ofhgoodtlerS  settlers,  they  were  thrifty  and  industrious,  held 
quality.  their  land  in  fee-simple,  and  up  to  the  Com- 
monwealth period  there  was  prosperity  and  content. 

The  colonists  were,  however,  not  blind  to  their  political 
rights,  in  the  midst  of  this  economic  security.  In  primary 
Legislative  assembly,  in  which  proxies  were  allowed,  the 
thePpro-WUh  freemen  adopted  a code  of  laws  (1635)  which 
prietor.  the  proprietor  rejected  because  the  former  had 
presumed  to  take  the  initiative,  and  for  two  years  the 
province  was  self-governed  under  the  English  common 
law.  In  1638  a set  of  laws  drafted  by  the  proprietor  was 
promptly  vetoed  by  the  assembly,  and  thus  a deadlock 
was  created.  The  matter  was  soon  arranged  by  com- 
promise, with  the  utmost  good-nature  on  both  sides; 
there  was  created  a representative  house  of  burgesses, 
— in  which,  however,  individual  freemen  might  also  ap- 
pear,— Baltimore  was  granted  a poll-tax  subsidy,  and 
the  people  reserved  to  themselves  the  rights  of  self- 
taxation  and  legislative  initiative.  The  anomalous  sys- 
tem of  allowing  both  freemen  — of  whom  there  were  but 


84 


Southern  Colonies. 


[Ch.  IV. 


one  hundred  and  eighty-two  in  1642  — and  their  repre 
sentatives  to  sit  in  the  general  assembly  continued,  with 
some  variations,  until  1647,  when  that  body  became  truly 
representative.  Three  years  later  (1650),  the  legislature 
was  divided  into  two  houses,  the  burgesses  sitting  in  the 
lower  chamber,  and  the  councillors  and  others  especially 
summoned  by  the  proprietor  in  the  upper. 


34.  Maryland  during  the  English  (Revolution  (1642-1660). 


As  in  the  other  colonies,  the  outbreak  of  the  civil  war 
in  England  resulted  in  serious  dissensions  in  Maryland. 

The  Puritan  party  waxed  strong,  and  sympa- 

Religious  , . , . , / , . ,.b'  _ J V 

dissensions  thized  with  Clayborne  s intruding  Protestant 
anse'  colonists  on  Kent  Island.  The  seizure  of  a 

Parliament  ship  by  Deputy-Governor  Brent,  under  orders 
from  King  Charles,  resulted  in  popular  disturbances. 
Clavbome  Clayborne,  taking  advantage  of  the  disorder 
drives  out  and  coming  over  from  Virginia,  seized  the 
government  at  St.  Mary’s.  Governor  Calvert 
fled  to  Virginia,  where  Governor  Berkeley  gave  him  sliel- 
, , ter  until  he  was  able  to  march  back  at  the 

but  the  latter 

eventually  head  of  a large  force  and  suppress  the  Clay- 
borne administration,  which  was  weak  and 
mercenary,  and  had  not  commended  itself  to  the  people. 

Leonard  Calvert  died  in  1647.  William  Stone,  a Prot- 
estant, appointed  Governor  in  1648,  favored  Parliament 
Growth  of  as  aga'nst  the  king,  but  was  sworn  by  the  pro- 
file Protes-  prietor  to  protect  Catholics  and  give  them  an 
taut  party  equaj  chance  with  other  colonists.  The  Prot- 
estant party  grew  apace;  but  while  represented  by  the 
governor  and  council,  was  in  the  minority  in  the  assem- 
bly. In  1649  a “Toleration  Act”  was  passed,  by  which 
Sunday  games,  blasphemy,  and  abuse  of  rival  sects  were 
severally  prohibited.  “ Whereas  the  enforcing  of  the 


1642-1657-1  Struggles  in  Maryland.  85 

conscience  in  matters  of  religion,”  ran  the  preamble, 
“ hath  frequently  fallen  out  to  be  of  dangerous  conse- 
quence, . . . and  the  better  to  preserve  mutual  love 
and  amity  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  province,”  no  per- 
son professing  to  be  a Christian  shall  be  “in  any  ways 
molested  or  discountenanced  for  or  in  respect  of  his 
or  her  religion,  nor  in  the  free  exercise  thereof.” 

The  Parliamentary  commissioners  sent  to  reduce  the 
colonies  (1652)  displaced  Stone;  but  his  great  popu- 
Under  the  larity  caused  them  to  reinstate  him.  Stone, 
Protectorate,  however,  now  sided  with  the  proprietor,  who 
wished  to  banish  all  colonists  who  would  not  take  the 
oath  of  fidelity  to  his  lordship.  The  governor  proclaimed 
the  Puritan  leaders  as  seditious,  and  ejected  many.  The 
Puritans  therefore  rose  and  called  in  Clayborne,  who  was 
one  of  the  Parliamentary  commissioners,  to  help  them. 
In  a pitched  battle  at  Providence  (1655)  the  Protestants 
won,  and  followed  up  their  victory  by  the  execution  of 
several  of  Stone’s  followers  and  the  sequestration  of  their 
estates.  Stone  himself,  though  sentenced  to  death,  was 
reprieved.  The  party  of  Cromwell  was  now  in  full  power 
in  the  palatinate.  Clayborne  renewed  his  claim  to  Kent 
Island  ; but  the  Commissioners  for  Plantations  do  not 
appear  ever  to  have  recognized  it. 

Baltimore  was  finally  restored  to  his  proprietorship  by 
the  English  Commissioners  for  Plantations  (1657),  the 
Baltimore  re-  assembly  accepted  the  situation,  an  Act  of  In- 
proprietor-13  demnity  was  passed,  the  right  of  the  colonists 
ship.  to  self-government  was  re-affirmed,  and  the 

policy  of  toleration  was  again  adopted.  . The  result  of 
the  proprietor’s  restoration  was  to  enlarge  the  political 
privileges  of  the  people,  and  toleration  succeeded  Catho- 
lic supremacy  in  Maryland,  — a reflex  of  the  tendencies 
of  the  Great  Rebellion  in  the  mother-land. 


86 


Southern  Colonies. 


[Ch.  IV. 


35.  Development  of  Maryland  (1660-1715). 

In  1661  Charles  Calvert,  eldest  son  of  Lord  Baltimore, 
became  governor  of  the  province.  His  admirable  ad- 
Charles  ministration  lasted  for  fourteen  years,  during 
Calvert  as  which  the  colony  greatly  prospered,  there  being 
governor.  a considerable  immigration  of  Quakers  and 
foreigners,  — Maryland,  with  its  religious  toleration  and 
beneficent  laws,  becoming  widely  known  as  a haven  for 
the  oppressed  of  all  nations.  Unhampered  by  the  pro- 
prietor, the  assembly  was  reasonable  in  its  dealings  with 
him,  and  harmony  prevailed  between  them.  The  crops, 
particularly  of  tobacco,  were  profitable,  the  Indians  were 
never  a source  of  serious  disturbance,  and  the  people  were 
contented  and  loyal. 

By  the  death  (1675)  of  Cecil,  Lord  Baltimore,  Charles 
fell  heir  to  the  family  title  and  estates.  Thomas  Nolly 
A spirit  of  was  sent  out  from  England  as  deputy-governor, 
unrest.  In  168 1 the  new  proprietor  secured  the  pas- 

sage of  a law  limiting  the  suffrage  to  those  having  free- 
holds of  fifty  acres  or  other  property  worth  forty  pounds. 
There  was  some  popular  uneasiness  over  this,  as  well  as 
over  the  encroachments  on  the  Maryland  grant  made  by 
William  Penn  ; the  Navigation  Act,  compelling  the 
planters  to  sell  their  tobacco  in  English  ports  alone,  was 
also  fretting  the  people ; while  the  Protestants,  most  of 
whom  were  now  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  bitter 
against  Puritans  and  other  Dissenters,  as  well  as  Catho- 
lics, deemed  the  Toleration  Act  an  impious  compact. 
Taking  advantage  of  this  spirit  of  unrest,  and  smarting 
„ under  old  grievances,  Josias  Fendall,  an  un- 

The  Fendall  0 . . . . 

and  Coode  worthy  demagogue,  intrigued  with  a retired 

clergyman  named  John  Coode  and  instigated 
a revolt,  in  which  the  aid  of  some  Virginians  was  ob- 
tained. The  uprising  was  promptly  suppressed ; but 


1661-1729-]  Development  of  Maryland.  87 

under  the  influence  of  the  revolution  in  England  (1688) 
Coode  again  headed  an  insurrection  under  the  auspices 
of  the  Association  for  the  Defence  of  the  Protestant 
Religion.  In  1689  the  associators  seized  the  government 
of  Maryland,  under  the  flimsy  pretext  that  they  were  up- 
holding the  cause  of  William  and  Mary.  They  at  first 
won  the  favorable  consideration  of  the  king;  but  in  1691 
Maryland  Maryland  was  declared  a royal  province,  and 
royaTprov  Sir  Lionel  Copley  came  out  as  the  first  royal 
ince.  governor.  Baltimore’s  interests  were  respec- 

ted, but  he  now  became  a mere  absentee  landlord.  The 
powers  of  government  rested  in  the  Crown,  the  Church 
of  England  was  established,  and  other  Protestant  sects 
were  discountenanced  while  practically  tolerated,  but 
Catholics  were  persecuted. 

The  capital  was  removed  from  St.  Mary’s,  the  centre 
of  the  Catholic  interest,  to  Annapolis,  — first  settled  by 
Puritans,  and  now  controlled  by  the  adherents 

Annapolis  ^ 

becomes  the  of  the  establishment.  Maryland  s prosperity, 
caplta1'  heretofore  unrivalled  in  the  colonies,  now  suf- 
fered a check,  and  for  a term  of  years  the  royal  adminis- 
tration was  signalized  by  religious  persecution  and  a low 
political  and  social  tone,  till  in  1715  the  proprietorship 
was  re-established.  In  1729  the  city  of  Baltimore  was 
founded  as  a convenient  port  for  the  planters.  The  settle- 
ment and  growth  of  Maryland  had  enforced  two  lessons 
which  were  never  wholly  forgotten, — the  possibility, 
under  official  toleration,  of  bringing  members  of  different 
religious  sects  together  in  one  civil  community  and  gov- 
ernment ; and  the  comfort  and  prosperity  attainable  in  a 
well-governed  colony. 


36.  Early  Settlers  in  the  Carolinas  (1542-1665). 
Between  Virginia  and  Spanish  Florida  a broad  belt  of 
territory  lay  long  unoccupied.  A Huguenot  colony  in 


88 


Southern  Colonies. 


[Ch.  IV. 


1562  had  had  a brief  existence  there,  and  in  consequence 
France  claimed  the  country  as  her  share  of  Florida.  But 
_ , , the  Spaniards  drove  out  the  French,  and  thus 

Ibarly  coIo-  ... 

nial  at-  unwittingly  left  the  field  to  the  north  clear  for 
tempts.  the  Engijsh_  in  jijg^  Amadas  and  Barlowe 
led  a prospecting  party  to  Roanoke  Island  (p.  38),  and 
here  also  (1585,  1587)  two  of  Raleigh's  ill-fated  colonies 
spent  their  strength.  The  swamp-girted  coast  had  few 
harbors,  the  colonizing  material  did  not  possess  staying 
qualities,  the  ill-treated  Indians  turned  on  the  invaders  of 
their  soil,  the  sites  of  settlements  were  ill-chosen.  For 
a long  period  of  years  after  the  failure  of  these  enter- 
prises a prejudice  existed  against  the  middle  region  as  a 
colonizing  ground. 


But  before  Jamestown  was  two  years  old  restless  Vir- 
ginians had  explored  the  upper  waters  of  some  of  the 
.,  , southern  rivers,  and  by  1625  the  region  was 

VirKinians  fairly  familiar  to  hunters  and  adventurous 
North GCaro-  land-seekers  as  far  south  as  the  Chowan.  In 
lma.  1629  Charles  I.  gave  “ the  province  of  Caro- 

lana  ” to  Sir  Roberth  Fleath,  his  attorney-general;  but 
nothing  came  of  the  grant.  The  Virginia  Assembly  took 
it  upon  itself  to  issue  exploring  and  trading  permits  in 
the  southern  portion  of  the  Virginia  claims,  often  called 
Carolana,  to  certain  commercial  companies,  with  the 
result  that  the  character  of  the  country  became  generally 
known.  In  1653  a small  colony  of  Virginia  dissenters, 
R0ger  harassed  by  the  Church  of  England  party  at 
Greene  home,  were  led  by  Roger  Green  to  the  banks 

marie.  of  the  Chowan  and  Roanoke;  and  there  they 

planted  Albemarle,  the  first  permanent  settlement  in 


what  is  now  North  Carolina. 

Numerous  colonizing  parties  and  individual  settlers 
ventured  into  North  Carolina  during  the  next  twenty 
years,  and  purchased  lands  of  the  Indians.  Among 


1652-1663.] 


The  Carolinas. 


89 


these  were  many  Baptists  and  Quakers  who  had  found 
dfe  intolerable  in  the  northern  settlements.  The  story 
...  „ goes  that  in  1660  a number  of  New  Eng- 

Miscellane-  ® ...  . . 

ous. colon i-  landers,  desiring  to  raise  cattle,  settled  at  the 

zing  parties, 


mouth  of  Cape  Fear  River;  but  they  incurred 
the  hatred  of  the  Indians,  and  the  colony  soon  melted 
away.  The  survivors,  upon  taking  their  departure,  affixed 
New  Eng-  to  a post  a “ scandalous  writing,  . . . the  con. 
CapeFear  tents  whereof  tended  not  only  to  the  dispar- 
River.  agement  of  the  land  about  the  said  river,  but 
also  to  the  great  discouragement  of  all  such  as  should 
hereafter  come  into  those  parts  to  settle.”  This  was 
Colonists  said  to  have  been  found  in  1663  by  a company 
badoesat"  wanderers  from  the  English  community 

clarendon,  on  the  island  of  Barbados,  which  had  been 
founded  in  1625.  These  West  Indian  colonists,  headed 
by  a wealthy  planter,  Sir  John  Yeamans,  established  them- 
selves (1664),  to  the  number  of  several  hundred,  on  the 
Cape  Fear,  in  the  district  which  soon  came  to  be  known 
as  Clarendon.  Ti/, 



i 37.  Proprietorship  of  the  Carolinas  (1663-1671) 


<3. 


It  is  probable  that  Charles  II.  knew  little  of  these 
infant  settlements  of  Virginians  and  Barbados  men  at 
Albemarle  and  Clarendon,  — which  were  some  three 
hundred  miles  apart,  — or  of  the  numerous  small  hold- 
ings between  them  ; but  he  cautiously  confirmed  all  private 
purchases  from  the  Indians,  in  giving  Carolina  (1663) 
The  Lords  to  a coterie  of  his  favorites.  Chief  among 
acquire  the  these  were  the  Earl  of  Clarendon,  the  Duke 
Carolinas.  qf  Albemarle,  tlie  L. a?T~ot  ‘ Straf  f es bury,  and 
SirJVilliam  Berkeley,*  then  governor  of  Virginia.  The 
proprietaries  had  been  commanded  to  recognize  the  land- 
claims  of  the  settlers  already  on  the  ground.  William 
Drummond,  a Scotch  colonist  in  Virginia,  was  made 


90 


Southern  Colonies. 


[Ch.  IV. 


governor  of  Albemarle,  while  Yeamans  remained  gov- 
ernor of  Clarendon,  these  two  districts  roughly  corre- 
sponding to  the  North  and  South  Carolina  of  to-day. 
Early  pros-  proprietaries  at  first  authorized  a popular 

perity.  government  on  the  simplest  plan,  and  the  set- 
tlers, particularly  in  Albemarle,  looked  forward  to  a 
prosperous  career.  A considerable  trade  in  lumber  and 
fur  at  once  sprang  up,  and  the  crops  were  good  ; for 
the  soil  proved  richer  than  in  any  other  of  the  American 
colonies  then  occupied. 

In  1667  Samuel  Stephens  succeeded  Governor  Drum- 
mond, who  went  to  Virginia,  where  he  became  a leader 
, in  the  Bacon  rebellion.  The  Lords  Proprietors 

An  enlarge-  . 1 

mentof  in  1665  secured  a charter,  with  enlargements 

bounds.  of  their  bounds ; their  new  grants  in  terms  in- 

cluded the  present  territory  of  the  United  States  between 
Virginia  and  Florida,  to  the  Pacific.  In  1670  was  added 
the  Bahamas.  — neither  the  claims  of  Virginia  nor  of 
Spain  being  ~ considered  in  the  grants.  Stephens  was 
assisted  by  a council  of  twelve,  his  own  appointees  when 
the  proprietaries  did  not  choose  them.  The  assembly,  of 
twelve  members  chosen  by  the  people,  was  a lower  house. 
Immigrants  This  first  legislature  met  in  1669;  and  actu- 
attracted.  ated  by  a desire  t0  attract  immigrants,  declared 
that  no  debts  contracted  abroad  by  settlers  previous 
to  removal  to  Carolina  could  be  collected  in  their  new 
home.  As  a consequence,  along  with  many  desirable 
colonists  flocking  in  from  the  Bermudas,  Bahamas,  New 
England,  and  Virginia,  came  others  who  were  not  worthy 
material  for  a pioneer  community.  The  proprietaries 
themselves  were  quite  liberal  in  their  land-grants  to 
inhabitants. 

Unfortunately  for  the  Carolinians,  the  Lords  Pro- 
prietors engaged  John  Locke,  the  famous  philosopher, 
to  devise  for  them  a scheme  of  colonial  government 
(1669).  It  was  a complicated  feudal  structure,  entitled 


1663-1669]  Proprietorship  of  the  Caro  Unas.  91 


the  Fundamental  Constitutions,  not  suited  to  any  com- 
munity]- oIcTor  new,  and  now  chiefly  interesting  as  a 
Locke’s  philosophical  curiosity.  The  province  was 
tal"consU-*  to  divided  into  counties,  and  they  into 
tutions.  seignories,  baronies,  precincts,  and  colonies; 
and  the  people  were  to  be  separated  into  four  es- 
tates of  the  realm,  — proprietaries,  landgraves,  caciques, 
and  commons.  Locke  defined  “ political  power  to  be 
the  right  of  making  laws  for  regulating  and  preserving 
property.”  The  objects  sought  to  be  attained  in  his 
constitution  were  avowedly  the  “ establishing  the  inter- 
est of  the  lords  proprietors,”  the  making  of  a govern- 
ment “ most  agreeable  to  the  monarchy,  . . . that  we 
may  avoid  erecting  a numerous  democracy,”  and  the 
connecting  political  power  with  hereditary  wealth.  The 
leet-men,  or  tenants,  were  to  be  kept  from  asserting 
themselves  by  rigid  feudal  restrictions:  “nor  shall  any 
leet-man  or  leet-woman  have  liberty  to  go  off  from  the 
land  of  their  particular  lord  and  live  anywhere  else  with- 
out license  obtained  from  their  said  lord,  under  hand  and 
seal.  All  the  children  of  leet-men  shall  be  leet-men,  and 
so  to  all  generations.”  The  plan  was  the  dream  of  an 
aristocrat ; it  was  an  attempt  to  reproduce  the  thirteenth 
century  in  the  seventeenth ; it  was  artificial  and  un- 
wieldy. While  the  rough  backwoods-men  could  not  grasp 
its  intricacies  or  understand  its  mediaeval  terms,  they  in- 
stinctively felt  it  to  be  a useless  bit  of  constitutional 
romancing,  and  would  have  little  to  do  with  it. 

The  only  important  result  of  the  attempt  was  to  un- 
settle existing  conditions  and,  especially  in  Albemarle,  to 
create  a contempt  for  all  government ; while  the  attempt 
of  the  proprietaries  to  regulate  trade  strengthened  the 
too-prevalent  spirit  of  lawlessness.  Their  officious  lord- 
ships  had  set  out  to  establish  the  Church  of  England ; 
but  the  result  of  their  interference  was  that  the  Quakers. 


rft 


sL  , 


*r.  0 / 


Southern  Colonies. 


9 2 


[Ch.  IV. 


elsewhere  despised,  took  advantage  of  the  spirit  of  dissent 
and  obtained  a firm  hold  over  the  Carolinians. 

During  this  period  of  unrest  in  the  northern  settle- 
The  planting  ments  William  Sayle,  who  had  explored  the 
of  Charles-"  coast  in  1 66 7 j planted  (1670-1671)  a colony 
“ on  the  first  highland  ” at  the  junction  of  the 
Ashley  and  Cooper  rivers,  — the  site  of  the  Charleston 
of  to-day. 


38.  The  Two  Settlements  of  Carolina  (1671-1700). 

The  settlements  at  Cape  Fear  and  Charleston  being 
more  orderly  and  promising  than  that  at  Albemarle,  the 
„ proprietaries  were  henceforth  more  consider- 
lina  nes:-  ate  towards  them.  North  Carolina,  as  it  was 
proprie^ the  ultimately  called,  was  practically  left  to  take 
tanes.  care  0f  itself  for  upwards  of  a decade,  during 


for  existence  upon  their  crude  clearings  in  the  wilder- 
ness, those  nearest  the  coast  eking  out  their  scanty 
income  by  trafficking  with  New  England  smugglers. 
Throughout  the  rest  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  pro- 
prietaries had  but  a nominal  hold  upon  the  people  of  the 
northern  colony.  In  1676  Thomas  Eastchurch  was  ap- 
pointed governor  of  Albemarle,  but  he  ruled  only  through 
deputies.  Deputy  Miller,  collector  of  the  king’s  customs 
a drunken,  vicious  fellow,  added  to  his  unpopularity  by 
attempting  to  browbreat  the  assembly.  The  colonists 
The  Cut  rose  'n  arms  (1678),  imprisoned  Miller,  chose 

pepper  re-  one  Culpepper  as  collector  of  customs,  and 
convened  a new  assembly,  which  confirmed 
the  revolutionary  proceedings  and  controlled  affairs  un- 
til 1683,  when  Seth  Sothel  was  sent  out  as  governor. 
Sothel  won  the  reputation  of  being  an  arbitrary  and 
rapacious  official,  and  in  1688  the  unruly  assembly 


The  Carolinas. 


1663-1680.] 


93 


deposed  and  banished  him,  despite  the  feeble  remon- 
strance of  the  proprietaries. 

Meanwhile,  Sayle’s  colony  at  Charleston  made  good 
progress,  the  proprietaries  being  lavish  in  their  aid  of  the 
Charleston  enterprise.  While  it  was  found  that  but  few 
aided  by  the  features  of  Locke’s  elaborate  constitutions 

propne- 

taries.  could  be  put  into  practice  in  a frontier  settle- 

ment, their  lordships  minutely  managed  the  affairs  of 
the  colony,  leaving  little  to  the  judgment  of  the  inhab- 
itants. Sayle  died  the  first  winter,  and  Yeamans,  the 
founder  of  the  Cape  Fear  colony,  succeeded  him  as  gov- 
ernor (1672).  Two  years  later  (1674),  the  unpopularity  of 
Yeamans  led  to  his  being  supplanted  by  Joseph  West, 
who  ruled  in  a wholesome  manner  for  twelve  years. 

In  16S2  the  Clarendon  settlements,  now  chiefly  centred 
at  Charleston,  which  had  an  excellent  town  government, 

..  embraced  about  three  thousand  persons.  De- 

Thnfty  con-  . . . . . . . 

dition  of  spite  trade  restrictions,  the  exports  of  turs  and 
Clarendon,  timber  were  large  for  the  time,  much  live-stock 
was  reared,  the  cultivation  of  tobacco  was  extensively 
engaged  in,  and  the  supply  of  fish  was  abundant. 

The  settlers  were  of  various  types,  — among  the  colo- 
nists being  groups  of  Englishmen  from  the  Bahamas, 
Arrival  of  Barbados,  Virginia,  and  New  England ; while 
Huguenots.  jn  1679  French  Huguenots  began  to  arrive 
in  considerable  numbers,  and  had  a permanent  effect 
upon  the  character  of  the  province.  A small  party  of 
Scotch  Presbyterians,  flying  from  persecution  at  home, 
established  themselves  at  Port  Royal,  — the  southern- 
most of  the  English  settlements.  Two  days’  sail  to 
Scotch  Pres-  the  south  lay  the  Spanish  town  of  St.  Au- 
routecfby  gustine.  The  Spaniards,  jealous  of  this  en- 
the  Spanish,  croachment,  and  suffering  as  well  from  the 
raids  of  pirates  who  made  their  headquarters  in  Charles- 
ton, fell  upon  the  little  outpost  of  Port  Royal  (1686} 


94 


Southern  Colonies. 


[Ch.  IV. 


and  completely  destroyed  it.  It  was  long  held  as 
a cause  of  complaint  in  the  Carolinas  that  the  proprie. 
taries  peremptorily  forbade  the  colonists  chastising  the 
Spanish,  on  the  principle  that  a dependency  had  no  right 
to  carry  on  war  against  a country  with  which  the  home 
government  was  at  peace. 

The  Huguenots,  who  had  settled  chiefly  in  Craven 
County,  were  for  a time  denied  all  political  rights, 
Colonial  although  the  proprietaries  favored  them.  The 
fn'somhes  buccaneers,  who  frequently  appeared  in 
Carolina.  Charleston,  were  continually  preying  on  Span- 
ish commerce,  and  causing  their  lordships  much  trepi- 
dation lest  these  sea-rovers  should  bring  on  a war  with 
Spain.  The  dissenters,  who  were  in  the  majority,  were 
constantly  warring  with  the  Church  of  England  party, 
represented  by  the  proprietaries.  The  trade  restrictions 
were  exceedingly  unpopular.  Proprietary  interference, 
even  when  well  intended,  unsettled  the  public  mind. 
The  colonists,  while  conducting  their  local  political  af- 
fairs on  independent  English  models,  were  continually 
apprehensive  of  a change  in  the  form  of  government,  and 
in  general  nursed  many  grievances,  petty  and  great. 

After  the  close  of  West’s  first  term  (1683)  there  was 
some  turbulence,  and  within  the  following  seven  years  a 
A period  of  succession  of  unsatisfactory  governors.  Sothel 
turbulence.  (1690)  was  driven  out  by  the  Southern  colo- 
nists in  1691,  as  he  had  been  by  the  Northern  (page 
93),  and  Philip  Ludwell  came  on  from  Virginia  to  as- 
T]  sume  control.  The  proprietaries  had  at  last 

linas  re™  changed  their  policy,  and  determined  to  rule 
united.  both  Carolinas  as  one  province,  Ludwell  be- 
ing the  first  governor  (1691)  of  the  united  colonies.  He 
was  weak,  however,  and  unable  to  restore  order  and  pub- 
lic confidence.  Under  his  successor,  Thomas  Smith,  the 
assembly  was  granted  a share  in  initiating  legislation. 


The  Carol  mas. 


95 


1683-1700.] 

It  was  not  until  John  Archdale,  a sound-headed  and 
conservative  Quaker,  himself  one  of  the  proprietaries, 
The  century  came  out  (1695)  as  governor  that  the  colonists 
doses  with  ceasecj  their  bickerings  and  the  province  set- 

improved  ^ , 

conditions,  tied  down  into  a condition  of  peace  and  good 
order.  Joseph  Blake,  Archdale’s  nephew,  succeeded 
him  (1696).  Under  Blake’s  benign  rule  the  century- 
closed  in  the  Carolinas  with  a better  popular  feeling 
towards  the  Huguenots,  complete  religious  toleration  to 
all  Christians  except  Catholics,  and  a marked  increase  in 
the  material  prosperity  of  the  settlers. 

The  Carolinas,  which  had  been  planted  sixty  years 
later  than  Virginia,  were  in  1700  still  feeble  ; and  it  was 
half  a century  before  they  began  to  be  important  colonies. 
iThe  chief  interest  of  the  Carolinas  in  the  development  of 
'America  is  the  failure  of  the  proprietors  to  stem  or  to 
deflect  the  tide  of  local  government  Nowhere  does  the 
innate  determination  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  to  control  his 
own  political  destiny  more  strikingly  appear  than  in 
the  contentions  of  the  Carolinians  with  their  rulers  in 
England. 


96 


The  South, 


[Ch.  y. 


CHAPTER  V. 

SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  CONDITIONS  IN  THE 
SOUTH  IN  1700. 


39.  References. 

Bibliographies.  — Same  as  preceding  chapter,  § 27,  above. 

General  Accounts.  — J.  A.  Doyle,  English  Colonies , I.  381-395 ; 
T.  W.  Higginson,  United  States , 192-213;  R.  G.  Boone,  Education 
in  the  United  States,  9-60;  Cooke,  Virginia , 141-157;  Edward  Eg- 
gleston, the  Century  Magazine , III.  61,  724;  V.  431  ; VI.  234,  848  ; 
VII.  873;  and  VIII.  387;  J.  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical  His- 
tory, III.  1 50-1 53  (Virginia),  543-547  (Maryland)  ; E.  Channing, 
Town  and  County  Govenunent. 

Special  Histories.  — Edward  Eggleston,  Beginners  of  a Nation  ; 
P.  A.  Bruce,  Economic  History  of  Virginia;  many  publications  in 
the  Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies;  S.  B.  Weeks,  Quakers ; G. 
D.  Bernheim,  German  Settlements. 

Contemporary  Accounts.  — W.  W.  Hening,  Statutes  ; narra- 
tives enumerated  in  § 27  above.  Reprints  in  American  History  told 
by  Contemporaries,  I.  chs.  ix.,  xiii. ; collections  of  the  historical 
societies. 


( 40?)Land  and  People  in  the  South. 

Although  of  dissimilar  origin,  developed  along  some- 
Traitscom-  what  different  lines,  and  having  striking  indi- 
vidual characteristics,  the  Southern  colonies 
possessed  in  common  so  many  traits  — cli- 
matic. geographical,  social,  and  economic — that  we  may 
conveniently  treat  them  as  a distinct  groiiD. 

Virginia  and  Maryland,  topographically  similar,  have 
numerous  large  and  safe  harbors,  and  the  area  of  culti- 
vation extends  to  the  coast.  In  the  Carolinas  there  are 


mnn  to  the 

Southern 

colonies 


Ch.  V.J 


9 7 


Land  and  People . 

scarcely  any  good  harbors  ; along  the  sea-shore  are  great 
sand-fields  and  pine-barrens,  interspersed  by  swamps, 
but  the  country  gradually  slopes  up  to  the  Alleghany 
foot-hills,  the  soil  improving  with  the  rise  in 
Geography.  eievatjon_  Throughout  the  Southern  colonies" 
the  country  is  drained  by  broad  rivers  running  down  to 
the  sea. 

It  is  estimated  that  in  1688  there  were  but  twenty-five 
thousand  persons,  white  and  black,  in  Maryland,  sixty 
thousand  in  Virginia,  and  four  thousand  in  the 
Population.  £aro]jnas  ^ The  English  were  dominant  in  all 
the  colonies,  but  their  supremacy  was  more  strongly 
marked  in  Virginia  and  Maryland  than  in  the  Carolinas, 
where  foreign  elements  (1700-1750)  increased  rapidly  in 
numbers  and  variety,  T.he  North  Carolina  lumbering  in- 
dustry attracted  many  immigrants,  — in  the  main  French 
Huguenots,  Moravians,  and  Germans,  with  some  Swiss 
and  Scotch-Irish  interspersed*~-The  Huguenots,  a par- 
ticularly desirable  class,  were  stronger  in  South  Carolina 
than  in  any  other  American  colony.  While  Virginia  and 
Maryland  were  chiefly  settled  by  colonists  direct  from 
England,  the  Carolinas  were  largely  peopled  from  the- 
other  English  colonies  in  North  America,  the  Bahamas, 
and  the  West  Indies.  '] 

In  the  South  the  rich  soil  was  widely  distributed,  the 
rivers  served  as  convenient  highways,  and  the  climate 
Unimpor-  was  mild  ; except  for  protection  from  the 
actero'ftiie  Indians,  tfiere  was  no  necessity  in  colonial 
villages.  times  for  the  massing  of  the  people.  Vil- 
lages were  few,  and/fthe  plantations  .were  strung  along 
the  streams,  often  many  miles  apart  and  separated  by 
dense  forests.  The  legislatures  of  the  Southern  prov- 
inces from  time  to  time  endeavored  to  create  trading  and 
manufacturing  towns  by  statute  ; but  with  few  exceptions 
these  remained,  down  to  the  Revolution,  merely  places 


98 


The  South. 


[Ch.  V 


of  resort  for  elections  and  courts,  with  perhaps  an  inn, 
a jail,  a court-house,  and  two  or  three  dwellings.  What 
trade  there  was  at  these  cross-roads  hamlets  was  of  the 
most  petty  retail  character,  and  the  traders  themselves 
were  deemed  of  small  consequence  in  the  community. 
Jamestown  remained  the  Virginia^capital  until  late  in  the^ 
century,  and  during  the  sessions  of  the  legislature  and 
at  gubernatorial  inaugurations  was  a favorite  resort  for 
the  wealthy  and  fashionable  from  all  parts  of  the  prov- 
ince ; but  it  was  a small,  untidy  village,  with  few  of  the 
characteristics  of  a modern  town  except  for  its  public 
buildings.  Williamsburg,  its  successor,  was  but  little 
better.  The  original  capital  of  Maryland,  St.  Mary’s, 
was  not  worthy  the  name  of  town  ; but  when,  in  the  last 
decade  of  the  century,  Providence,  rechristened  Annapo- 
lis, became  the  seat  of  government,  the  new  capital  soon 
grew  into  an  ^improvement  on  the  old,  several  sightly  (/ 
public  buildings  were  erected,  and  trade  expanded  with 
the  increase  of  fashion.  Charleston,  the  capital  of  South 
Carolina,  was  the  most  important  town  in  the  South  ;)  the 
wealthiest  planters  in  the  colony  lived  there,  leaving  their 
estates  to  the  care  of  overseers;  and  trade,  fashion,  and 
politics  centred  in  the  village,  which  was  well-built  and 
handsome. 


Society  was  divided  into  four  classes,  social  distinc- 
tions being  sharply  drawn.  The  lowest  stratum  was 
Negro  composed  of  the  negro  slaves,'  first  introduced 

slaves.  ;n  1619.  For  many  years  the  number  o& 

blacks  was  comparatively  small,  servile  labor  being 
mainly  performed  by  convicts  and  indented  servants. 
At  first  the  African  slave  was  looked  upon  as  but  an 
improved  variety  of  indented  servant,  whose  term  of 
labor  was  for  life  instead  of  a few  years.  In  1650  there 


Ch.  V.] 


Slavery  and  Servants. 


99 


were  but  thiee  hundred  negroes  in  Virginia  and  fifteen 
thousand  whites.  The  slave  system  fast  extended,  after 
this  date,  so  that  in  1661  Virginia  had  two  thousand 
blacks,  and  by  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  they 
nearly  equalled  the  whites  in  number;  in  South  Carolina, 
in  i7o8r~two  thirds  of  the  population  were  of  the  negro  , 
race^  It  wasT  not  until  the  blacks  had  become  a numer- 
ous class  that  we  find  the  laws  regarding  them  savoring 
of,  harshness.  1 They  were  especially  severe  after  1687, 
wnen  a negro  insurrection  in  Virginia  inspired  the  whites 
with  fear.  The  statutes  for  the  repression  of  the  slaves 
now  became  fairly  ferocious.  In  the  eye  of  the  law  they 
were  simply  chattels,  being  hardly  granted  the  rights  of 
human  beings.  A master  might  kill  his  slave,  for  he  was 
but  destroying  his  own  property.  Runaways  could  be 
slain  at  sight  by  any  one,  the  owner  being  reimbursed^ 
from  the  public  treasury.  The  laws  against  racial  amal- 
gamation were  savage,  but  the  actual  treatment  of  the 
slave  by  his  owner  was  not  so  barbarous  as  the  laws 
suggest,  — especially  in  the  two  northern  colonies  of  the 
Southern  group.  He  was  there  comfortably  housed, 
clothed,  and  fed,  and  indulged  in  many  amusements. 
The  raising  of  tobacco  required  constant  care  at  certain 
seasons  of  the  year,  but  there  was  much  leisure,  and  the 
occupation  was  healthful.  Work  in  the  rice-swamps  and 
indigo-fields,  in  the  fierce  summer  heat  of  South  Carolina, 
was  extremely  exhausting,  and  the  negroes  rapidly  wore” 
out  ; for  this  reason  there  was  a tendency  on  the  part  of 
the  planters  of  that  province  to  work  them  to  their  full 
capacity  while  still  in  their  prime.  Nowhere  else  in  the 
South  was  slave  life  so  burdensome,  and  nowhere  was 
die  slave,  trade  so  active? 

Removed  from  the  slaves  by  the  impassable  gulf  of 
color,  but  nevertheless  almost  as  much  despised  by  the 
upper  and  middle  class  whites  as  the  blacks,  were  the 


U.) 


IOO 


The  South. 


[Ch.  V 


indented  white  servants.^  While  here  and  there  among 
them  were  men  capable,  when  freed  from  their  bonds, 

T , , of  rising  to  the  middle  and  indeed  the  upper ' 

white  ser-  class,  they  were  of  low  character  frequently, 
such  as  transported  convicts,  the  riff-raff  of 
London,  and  in  some  cases  children  who  had  been  kid- 
napped by  lawless  adventurers  in  the  streets  of  the  Eng- 
lish cities.  As  servants  they  were  under  no  gentle  bonds. 
The  laws  concerning  them  were  harsh.  They  might  not 
marry  without  the  consent  of  their  masters  ; an  assault 
on  the  latter  was  heavily  punished  ; to  run  away  was  but 
to  lengthen  the  term  of  service,  and  for  a second  offence 
to  be  branded  on  the  cheek.  For  numerous  petty  offen- 
ces their  service  could  be  prolonged,  and  masters  might 
thus  retain  them  for  years  after  the  term  fixed  in  the 
bond. 


Middle  class. 


(42  Middle  and  Upper  Classes. 

, The  middle  class  — small  farmers  and  tradesmen  — 
merged  into  each  other,  so  that  it  was  often  difficult  to 
draw  the  line  between  them.  In  South  Caro- 
lina there  was  practically  no  middle  class,  and 
indented  servants  were  few  ; there  existed  in  this  colony 
a perfect  oligarchy,  — lords  and  their  slaves.  In  all 
the  Southern  colonies  the  trader  was  despised  by  the 
upper-class^,  which  was  composed  of  officials  and  wealthy 
planters.  The  men  of  the  middle  class  were  uneducated, 
rude,  and  addicted  to  gambling,  hard-drinking,  and  rough 
sjxnts ; they  were,  however,  a sturdy  set,  manly  and 
liberty-loving,  and  gave  strong  political  support  to  the 
planters. 

The  upper  class,  in  dress,  manners,  and  political 
thought  resembled  the  English  country  gentlemen  of 


MjA  M. 


" (CO 


Ch.  V.] 


IOI 


Middle  and  Upper  Classes. 

their  time.  Here  and  there  among  them  were  men  of 
fair  scholarship,  with  degrees  from  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge , but  the  majority  had  but  slight  educa- 
Upper  class.  -jQn^  suci-j  as  was  picked  up  haphazard  from  the 
parish  parson,  an  occasional  tutor,  or  a freed  servant  of 
more  than  ordinary  attainments.  The  speech  and  man- 
ners of  the  young  were  badly  affected  by  being  reared 
among  slaves.  The  life  of  both  men  and  women  in  these 
“good  old  colony  days”  was  exceedingly  monotonous; 
the  chief  charge  of  the  former  being  the  care  of  their 
plantation  and  negroes,  and  of  the  latter  the  superintend- 
ence of  their  domestic  affairs  and  the  training  of  house 
servants.  There  was  much  visiting  to  and  fro  among  the 
county  families,  and  dancing  was  a favorite  evening 
amusement;  and  there  were  annual  visits  to  the  capital, 
where  horse-racing,  gambling,  cock-fighting,  and  wrest- 
ling were  favorite  recreations.  The  TTrown  officers  did 
much  to  keep  the  English  fashions  alive,  and  the  inaugu- 
ration of  a governor  was  a brilliant  social  event. 

; The  manners  of  the  gentry  were  better  than  those  of 
the  middle  class ; nevertheless  they  drank  overmuch, 
had  a passion  for  gaming,  and  sometimes  engaged  in 
brawls  at  the  polling-places.  The  fist,  especially  in 
Virginia  and  Maryland,  was  preferred  to  the  duel  as  a 
means  of  settling  controversies.'1  The  landed  gentlemen, 
born  aristocrats,  were  indolent,  vain,  haughty,  arrogant, 
and  sensitive  to  restraint,  — a natural  outgrowth  of  the 
social  conditions  of  the  times.  But  they  had  great  virtues 
as  well  as  great  faults.  There  was  a keen  sense  of  honor 
among  them,  and  great  pride  of  ancestry.  They  were  of 
good,  vigorous  English  stock,  especially  those  who  came 
after  the  Restoration,  and  in  the  struggle  for  independ- 
ence, two  generations  later,  furnished  to  the  patriot  cause 
a high  class  of  soldiers,  diplomats,  and  statesmen. 


102 


The  South. 


[Ch.  V. 


43.  Occupations. 

There  were  practically  no  professions  in  Virginia  and 
North  Carolina.  In  Maryland  and  South  Carolina  a 
Scarcity  of  lit>g'ous  spirit  prevailed,  and  there  arose  a 
professional  small  body  of  lawyers  fairly  well  equipped. 

Medicine  was  in  a crude  state.  The  clergy- 
men of  the  English  Established  Church  — except  in 
South  Carolina,  to  which  colony  the  London  Society  for 
the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  sent  out  good  material) — 
were  as  a rule  sadly  deficient  in  manners  and  education, 
although  there  were  among  them  many  men  of  superior 
attainments  and  noble  character.  This  was  especially 
noticeable  in  Maryland.  The  dissenting  ministers  were 
often  of  quite  inferior  calibre.  ~~ 

Agriculture  was  the  mainstay  of  the  people,  tobacco 
being  the  one  great  crop;  although  in  the  Carolinas  rice 
and  indigo  came  to  be  close  rivals.  Naval 

Agriculture.  , — : T _ . 

stores  were  also  a staple  export.  In  South 
Carolina  there  was  a greater  area  devoted  to  mixed 
tillage  than  elsewhere  in  the  South,  and  corn  and  cotton 
were  raised  in  considerable  quantities.  In  berth  the 
Carolinas  cattle-raising  was  an  important  industry,  the 
large  branded  herds  roaming  the  glades  and  forests  at 
will. 

A great  plantation,  with  its  galleried  manor-house,  its 
rows  of  negro  quarters,  and  group  of  barns  and  shops, 
Economicm-  was  in  a^  large  measure  a self-sustained  corn- 
el t^the^enCe  munity-  The  planter  needed  little  that  could 
planter.  be  obtained  elsewhere  in  his  own  colony  or 
in  the  South,  and  conducted  his  commercial  operations 
direct  with  England,  the  West  Indies,  and  the  North- 
ern colonies.  Vessels  came  to  his  landing,  bringing 
the  supplies  which  he  had  ordered  of  his  correspond- 
ents, and  loading  for  the  return  trip  with  such  material 


Ch.  V.]  Occupations.  103 

as  he  had  for  export.  Under  this  independent  system, 
whereby  the  rural  magnate  was  his  own  merchant,  and 
negro  slaves  his  only  workmen,  neither  general  trade  nor 
industries  could  flourish.  Manufactures  of  every  sort  — 
even  tables,  chairs,  stools,  wooden  bowls,  and  birchen 
brooms  — were,  along  with  many  necessaries  of  life, 
imported  from  England  and  neighboring  colonies .)  There 
were  a few  negroes  on  every  plantation  who  were  trained 
to  the  mechanic  arts  ; and  a small  number  of  white 
craftsmen  found  work  in  travelling  around  the  country, 
doing  such  jobs  as  were  beyond  the  capacity  of  the 
slaves. 

There  was  a considerable  trade  with  the  other  conti- 
nental colonies,  as  well  as  with  sister  colonies  in  the 
West  Indies  and  with  England.  ’ Small  vessels 
Commerce.  were  built  in  Virginia  and  Maryland  for  the 
coasting  traffic,  though  Englishmen,  New  Englanders,  and 
Dutchmen  were  the  principal  carriers.  The  independent 
methods  of  the  planters,  with  their  systems  of  barter  and 
direct  importations,  suited  the  lordly  notions  prevalent 
among  them ; but  the  luxury  was  an  expensive  one,  for  it 
placed  them  quite  at  the  mercy  of  their  foreign  corre- 
spondents. Tobacco  was  the  chief  export,  and  barter  was 
based  upon  its  value,  which,  despite  legal  restrictions,  was 
subject  to  great  fluctuation.  The  importance  of  the  crop, 
as  the  basis  of  exchange,  led  to  governmental  supervision 
of  its  quality,  which  was  uniformly  excellent  except  in 
North  Carolina,  where  public  spirit  was  at  a low  stage. 
The  importance  attached  by  the  government  to  this  in- 
dustry is  illustrated  by  a famous  remark  of  Attorney- 
General  Seymour.  In  1692,  when  a delegation  from 
Virginia  were  soliciting  a charter  for  the  College  of 
William  and  Mary,  on  the  ground  that  a higher  educa- 
tion was  necessary  as  a step  towards  the  salvation  of 
souls  by  the  clergy,  he  blurted  out:  “ Souls  1 Damn  your 


104 


The  South. 


[Ch.  v 


souls  ; grow  tobacco  !”  The  Southern  colonies  had  also 
a large  and  profitable  export  of  lumber,  tar,  turpentine, 
and  furs ; from  the  Carolinas  beef  was  shipped  in  great 
quantities  to  the  West  Indies ; and  rice,  indigo,  and  cotton 
were  sent  to  the  Northern  colonies  and  England.  The 
trade  with  the  Indians  grew  to  considerable  proportions 
in  Virginia  and  Maryland,  but  was  long  neglected  in  the 
Carolinas. 


Navigation  Acts. 


All  manner  of  trade,  however,  was  more  or  less  ham- 
pered by  the  Parliamentary  Acts  of  Navigation  and 
Early  at-  Trade.  In  the  time  of  Richard  II.  (1377- 
proteetEng-  *399)  had  been  enacted  that  “None  of  the 
lish shipping,  king’s  liege  people  should  ship  any  merchan- 
dise out  of  or  into  the  realm,  except  in  the  ships  of  the 
king’s  ligeance,  on  pain  of  forfeiture.”  Under  Henry 
VII.  (1485--1509)  only  English-built  ships  manned  by 
English  sailors  were  permitted  to  import  certain  commo- 
dities; and  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  (1558-1603)  only 
such  vessels  could  engage  in  the  English  coasting  trade 
and  fisheries. 

The  earliest  English  colonies  were  exempted  by  their 
charters  from  these  restrictions,  but  under  James  I. 

„ (1603-1625)  the  colonies  were  included.  For 

The  Com-  v , , , , 

monwealth  many  years  the  colonists  did  not  heed  the 

Navigation  Acts  ; in  consequence,  the  Dutch, 
then  the  chief  carriers  on  the  ocean,  obtainea  control  of 
the  colonial  trade,  and  thereby  amassed  great  wealth. 
Jealous  of  their  supremacy,  the  statesmen  of  the  Com- 
monwealth sought  to  upbuild  England  by  forcing  English 
trade  into  English  channels  ; and  this  policy  succeeded. 
Holland  soon  fell  from  her  high  position  as  a maritime 
power,  and  England,  with  her  far-spreading  colonies,  suc- 
ceeded her.  ( The  Act  of  1645  declared  that  certain  articles 


1603-1663.] 


Navigation  Acts.  105 

should  be  brought  into  England  only  by  ships  fitted  out 
from  England,  by  English  subjects,  and  manned  by  Eng- 
lishmen; this  was  amended  the  following  year  so  as  to 
include  the  colonies.  In  exchange  for  the  privilege  of 
importing  English  goods  free  of  duty,  the  colonists  were 
not  to  suffer  foreign  ships  to  be  loaded  with  colonial 
goods.  In  1651,  a stringent  Navigation  Act  was  passed 
by  the  Long  Parliament,  the  beginning  of  a series  of 
coercive  ordinances  extending  down  to  the  time  of  the 
American  Revolution  : it  provided  that  the  rule  as  to  the 
importation  of  goods  into  England  or  its  territories,  in 
English-built  vessels,  English  manned,  should  extend  to 
all  products  “of  the  growth,  production,  or  manufacture 
of  Asia,  Africa,  or  America,  or  of  any  part  thereof,  . . . 
as  well  of  the  English  Plantations  as  others;”  tut  the 
term  “English-built  ships”  included  colonial  vessels,  in 
tl^is  and  all  subsequent  Acts. 

1 Under  the  Restoration  the  Commonwealth  law  was  con- 
firmed and  extended  (1660).  Such  enumerated  colonial 
Under  the  products  as  the  English  merchants  desired  to 
Restoration,  purchase  were  to  be  shipped  to  no  other  coun- 
try than  England ; but  those  products  which  they  did  not 
wish  might  be  sent  to  other  markets,  provided  they  did 
not  there  interfere  in  any  way  with  English  trade.  In  all 
transactions,  however,  “ English-built  ships,”  manned  by 
“ English  subjects  ” only,  were  to  be  patronized.  Three 
years  later  (j 1 663)  another  step  was  taken.  By  an  Act  of 
that  year,  such  duties  were  levied  as  amounted  to  prohi- 
bition of  the  importation  of  goods  into  the  colonies  except 
such  as  had  been  actually  shipped  from  an  English  port; 
thus  the  colonists  were  forced  to  go  to  England  for  their 
supplies,  — the  mother-country  making  herself  the  factor 
between  her  colonies  and  foreign  markets. 

A considerable  traffic  had  now  sprung  up  between  the 
colonies.  New  England  merchants  were  competing  with 


io6 


The  South. 


[Ch.  V. 


Englishmen  in  the  Southern  markets.  At  the  behest 
of  commercial  interests  in  the  parent  isle,  an  Act  was 
Repression  passed  in  1673  seriously  crippling  this  inter- 
colonial" colonial  trade  ; all  commodities  that  could 
trade.  have  been  supplied  from  England  were  now 
subjected  to  a duty  equivalent  to  that  imposed  on  their 
consumption  in  England.  From  1651  to  1764  upwards  of 
twenty-five  Acts  of  Parliament  were  passed  for  the  regu- 
lation of  traffic  between  England  and  her  colonies.  Each 
succeeding  ministry  felt  it  necessary  to  adopt  some  new 
scheme  for  monopolizing  colonial  trade  in  order  to 
purchase  popularity  at  home.  It  was  1731  before  the 
home  government  began  to  repress  the  manufacture  in 
the  colonies  of  goods  that  could  be  made  in  England  ; 
thereafter  numerous  Acts  were  passed  by  Parliament 
having  this  end  in  view. 

In  brief,  the  mother-country  regarded  her  American 
colonies  merely  as  feeders  to  her  trade,  consumers  of  her 
England’s  manufactures,  and  factories  for  the  distribution 
commercial  °f  'ier  capital.  Parliament  never  succeeded  in 
policy  satisfying  the  greed  of  English  merchants,  while 
in  America  it  was  thought  to  be  doing  too  much.  The 
constant  irritation  felt  in  the  colonies  over  the  gradual 
application  of  commercial  thumb-screws — turned  at  last 
, bevond  the  point  of  endurance  — was  one  of 

a cause  of  A . . . 

the  Revolu-  the  chief  causes  of  the  Revolution.  Had  it 

not  been  that  colonial  ingenuity  found  frequent 
opportunities  for  evading  these  Acts  of  Navigation  and 
Trade,  the  final  collision  would  doubtless  have  occurred 
at  a much  earlier  period. 

45.  Social  Life, 


The  system  of  agriculture  throughout  the  South  was 
vicious.  Few  crops  so  soon  exhaust  the  soil  as  tobacco  ; 
and  as  this  staple  was  the  main  reliance  of  the  planters, 


Ch.  V.]  Social  Life.  107 

it  was  usual  to  seek  fresh  fields  as  fast  as  needed,  leav- 
ing the  old  planting  grounds  to  revert  to  wilderness. 
Travel  and  From  this,  as  well  as  from  other  causes  al- 
roads.  ready  stated,  the  settlements  became  diffuse, 

and  great  belts  of  forest  often  separated  the  holdings. 
The  far-reaching  rivers  were  fringed  with  plantations, 
and  the  waterways  were  the  paths  of  commerce.  The 
cross-country  roads  were  very  bad,  often  degenerating 
into  mere  bridle-paths  ; there  was  little  travel,  and  that 
largely  restricted  to  saddle  or  sulky,  — the  former  pre- 
ferred; for  there  were  numerous  streams  to  ford  or  swim. 
It  was  not  uncommon  for  travellers  to  lose  their  way  and 
to  be  obliged  to  pass  the  night  in  the  thicket.  Inns  were 
few  and  wretched  ; but  the  hospitality  of  the  planters 
was  unstinted,  every  respectable  wayfarer  being  joyfully 
welcomed  as  a guest  to  the  manor-houses. 

Some  glowing  pictures  of  life  in  these  “ baronial 
halls,”  with  their  great  open  fire-places,  rich  furnishings 
Life  at  the  imported  from  England,  crowds  of  negro 
plantations,  lackeys,  bounteous  larders,  and  general  air 
of  crude  splendor,  have  come  down  to  us  in  the  journals 
of  pre-Revolutionary  travellers.  But  the  wealth  of  the 
large  planters  was  more  apparent  than  real.  Their  waste- 
ful agricultural  and  business  methods  fostered  a specu- 
lative spirit,  their  habits  were  reckless,  their  tastes 
expensive,  and  their  hospitality  ruinous ; they  were 
generally  steeped  in  debt,  and  bankruptcy  was  frequent- 
The  South  Carolina  planters,  however,  were  more  pros- 
perous and  independent  than  those  to  the  north  of  them.) 

The  means  of  education  were  limited.  Governor  Berke- 
ley, in  his  famous  report  on  the  state  of  the  Virginia  colony 
(1670),  said:  “I  thank  God  there  are  no  free 
schools,  nor  printing,  and  I hope  we  shall  not 
have  these  hundred  years  ; for  learning  has  brought  dis- 
obedience into  the  world,  and  printing  has  divulged  them. 


io8 


The  South. 


[Ch.  v. 


and  libels  against  the  best  of  governments.  God  keep  us 
from  both  ! ” Berkeley  told  the  truth.  There  were  not  only 
no  free  schools,  but  scarcely  any  that  were  not  free. 
Settlers  were  supposed  to  be  capable  of  teaching  their 
own  children  all  that  it  was  necessary  for  them  to  know. 
At  the  wealthiest  homes  tutors  were  kept,  some  of  these 
being  younger  sons  of  good  families  in  England  who  had 
come  to  America  in  an  adventurous  spirit,  while  now  and 
then  a freed  servant  who  had  seen  better  days  was 
employed  in  this  capacity,  as  was,  a little  later,  the  case 
in  the  family  of  the  Washingtons  ; occasionally  the 
parish  clergyman,  when  fitted  for  the  task,  instructed  the 
youth  of  the  district,  and  here  and  there  a young  man 
was  sent  to  England  to  take  a collegiate  course.  The 
upper  class  as  a rule  had  but  meagre  scholastic  training 
and  few  intellectual  recreations,  the  middle  class  had 
even  a scantier  mental  equipment,  while  the  poor  whites 
were  densely  ignorant.  Berkeley’s  bluntly  expressed 
opposition  to  the  education  of  the  masses,  as  tending 
to  foster  political  and  social  independence,-  perhaps 
reflected  the  sentiments  of  the  majority  of  the  ruling 
order. 

In  Virginia  there  was  manifested  throughout  the 
century  an  intolerant  spirit  towards  dissenters  by  both 
the  ruling  sects,  Puritans  and  Churchmen. 
Catholics  and  Quakers  were  persecuted,  pillo- 
ried and  fined;  but  the  sturdy  Scotch-Irish  Presbyterians 
made  a bold  stand,  and  were  finally  tolerated  after  a 
fashion.  In  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland  there  was  more 
religious  toleration  than  elsewhere  in  the  colonies,  — the 
Catholics  were  in  political  control  until  the  triumph  of 
William  and  Mary,  when  the  Protestants  came  to  the  front 
and  harassed  the  Catholics  with  exorbitant  taxes.  The 
turbulent  population  of  North  Carolina  paid  little  atten- 
tion to  religious  matters  throughout  the  seventeenth  cen- 


Ch.  V.] 


Social  and  Political. 


109, 


tury,  although  there  were  some  flourishing  congregations. 
There  was  no  settled  Episcopal  minister  there  until  1701, 
and  no  church  until  1702.  The  majority  in  South  Caro- 
lina dissented  from  the  Church  of  England,  the  Puritan 
element  holding  political  power,  and  it  was  16S1  before 
an  Episcopal  church  was  built  in  Charleston;  the  Hugue- 
nots were  not  at  first  tolerated,' 1 but  in  1697  all  Protestant 
sects  were  guaranteed  equal  rights. 

The  negroes  and  the  poor  whites  formed  the  criminal 
class,  — a not  inconsiderable  element  in  the  Southern  col- 
onies. The  pillory  or  stocks,  whipping-post, 
and  ducking-stool  were  maintained  at  every 
county  seat,  and  were  familiar  objects  to  all.  Paupers, 
and  indeed  all  persons  receiving  public  relief,  were  com- 
pelled to  wear  conspicuous  badges. 


46.  Political  Life,  and  Conclusions. 

The  colonists,  like  their  brothers  across  sea,  were  eager 
politicians,  and  their  political  methods  were  much  the 

same  as  in  the  mother-country.  Attempts 
Political  life.  J , , \ 

upon  the  part  of  England  to  regulate  the  rais- 
ing and  selling  of  tobacco,  in  connection  with  the  general 
policy  of  commercial  and  industrial  control,  led  to  fre- 
quent quarrels  with  the  home  government,  which  were 
harassing  enough  to  the  Americans,  but  served  their 
purpose  as  a school  of  legislative  resistance.  The  gen- 
tlemen controlled  colonial  affairs,  but  found  efficient  sup- 
port in  the  middle  class  ; to  these  two  classes  suffrage 
was  for  the  most  part  restricted. 

The  political  organization  throughout  the  South  was 
closely  patterned  after  that  of  England,  the  governor 
Adminis-  standing  for  the  king,  the  council  for  the  House 
tration.  of  Lords,  and  the  assembly  or  house  of  bur- 
gesses for  the  Commons.)  There  were  four  sources  of 


I IO 


The  South. 


[Ch.  V 


revenue:  (i)  quit-rents,  payable  to  the  king  or  the  pro- 
prietors ; (2)  export  and  port  duties,  for  the  benefit  of 
the  provincial  government ; (3)  any  duties  levied  by  and 
for  the  assembly  ; (4)  regular  parish,  county,  and  pro- 
vincial levies.  The  last  mentioned  were  payable  in 
tobacco,  and  the  others  as  might  be  specified.  The 
system  of  taxation  was  simple,  and  was  based  chiefly  on 
lands  and  negroes  ; it  was  moderate  in  extent,  but  not 
always  paid  cheerfully,  — in  North  Carolina,  especially, 
there  was  chronic  objection  to  taxes  in  any  form. 

The  salaries  of  the  government  officials  were  small; 
but  the  governor  — who  was  the  executive  officer,  and 
Official  might  lawfully  have  ruled  his  little  realm  in 

rapacity.  most  despotic  fashion,  had  not  the  assem- 
bly, as  the  holder  of  the  purse-strings,  continually  kept 
him  in.  check — considered  the  salary  a small  part  of  his 
income.  By  farming  the  quit-rents,  taking  fees  for  patent- 
ing lands,  and  assessing  office-holders,  he  reaped  a rich 
harvest.  Broken-down  court  favorites  considered  an  ap- 
pointment to  the  colonies  as  governor  a means  of  re- 
trieving fallen  fortunes,  and  made  little  attempt  to  conceal 
their  sordid  purpose.  The  members  of  the  council  were 
often  admitted  to  a share  of  the  spoils,  and  official 
morality  was  much  of  the  time  in  a low  condition. 

Thus  we  see  that  in  the  Southern  colonies,  in  the  year 
1700,  there  were  three  sharply-defined  social  grades  among 
the  whites,  — the  upper  class,  the  middle  class, 
Summary.  ancj  qie  indented  servants  ; with  a caste  still 
low'er  than  the  lowest  of  these,  the  negro  slaves.  The 
status  of  the  bondsmen,  both  white  and  black,  was 
morally  and  socially  wretched,  and  from  them  sprang  the 
criminal  class:  the  former  were  the  basis  of  the  “poor 
white  trash,”  which  remains  to-day  a degenerating  influ- 
ence in  the  South.  The  presence  of  degraded  laborers 
made  all  labor  dishonorable,  and  trade  was  held  in  con- 


Ch.  V.]  Summary.  1 1 1 

tempt  by  the  country  gentleman.  The  economic  condi- 
tion was  bad,  there  were  practically  no  manufactuies, 
the  methods  of  the  planters  were  wasteful,  there  pre- 
vailed a wretched  system  of  barter  based  on  a fluctuating 
crop,  and  finances  were  unsettled.  The  manners  even  of 
the  upper  class  were  often  coarse,  while  those  of  the 
lowest  whites  were  not  seldom  brutal.  The  people  were 
clannish  and  narrow,  having  little  communication  or 
sympathy  with  the  outer  world.  Political  power  was  for 
the  most  part  in  the  hands  of  the  aristocratic  planters, 
backed  by'  the  middle  class  ; the  people  at  large  exer- 
cised but  slight  control  over  public  affairs.  Religion  was 
at  a low  ebb,  especially  in  the  established  church  ■ Bishop 
Meade  says,  “There  was  not  only  defective  preaching, 
but,  as  might  be  expected,  most  evil  living  among  the 
clergy.”  The  professions  of  law  and  medicine  were 
scarcely  recognized.  In  looking  back  upon  the  life  of 
the  Southern  colonists  at  this  time  we  cannot  but  con- 
sider their  social,  economic,  and  moral  condition  as  poor 
indeed;  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  there  was  latent 
in  them  a sturdy  vitality  ; these  men  were  of  lusty  English 
stock,  and  when  the  crisis  came,  a half  century  later,  they 
were  of  the  foremost  in  the  ranks  and  the  councils  of  the 
Revolution. 

rjt  , . 


I 12 


New  England  Colonies. 


[Ch.  VI. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  COLONIZATION  OP  NEW  ENGLAND 
(1620-1643). 


47.  References. 

Bibliographies.  — Justin  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical  His 
tory,  III.  244-256,  285-294  ; \V.  E.  Foster,  Monthly  Reference  Lists , 
IV.  29 ; W.  F.  Allen,  Reader's  Guide  to  English  History  (ed.  1888); 
Channing  and  Hart,  Guide,  §§  109-123  ; foot  notes  to  Edward  Eg- 
gleston, Beginners  of  a Nation. 

Historical  Maps.  — No.  2,  this  volume  {Epoch  Mafs.  No.  4)  ; J. 
A.  Doyle,  English  Colonies  in  America , vols.  II.,  III. ; T.  MacCoun, 
Historical  Geography  of  the  United . States ; Reprints  of  maps  in 
Winsor  (see  references  above) ; school  histories  of  Thomas,  Channing, 
Johnston,  Scudder. 

General  Accounts.  — J.  G.  Palfrey,  Compendious  History  op 
New  England,  I.  47-268 ; J ustin  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical  His- 
tory, III.  219-384  ; J.  A.  Doyle,  English  in  America,  1 1.  1-219  ; H.  C. 
Lodge,  Colonies,  341-35 1 (Massachusetts),  373-375  (Connecticut), 
3S5-387  (Rhode  Island),  397-598  (.New  Hampshire);  Geo.  Bancroft 
(last  rev.),  I.  177-288  ; Bryant  and  Gay,  I.  308-357,  370-428,  517-558, 
II.  1-48;  Hildreth,  I.  150-203,  216-267;  John  Fiske,  Beginnings  of 
New  England,  I.  139;  Edward  Eggleston,  Beginners  of  a Nation; 
S.  A.  Drake,  Making  of  New  England. 

Special  Histories.  — G.  E.  Ellis,  Puritan  Age  and  Rule ; J.  A. 
Goodwin,  Pilgrim  Republic;  R.  P.  Hallowed,  Quaker  Invasion  of 
Massachusetts ; H.  M.  Dexter,  Congregationalism  as  seen  in  its 
Literature ; Brooks  Adams,  Emancipation  of  Massachusetts  ; C.  F. 
Adams,  Three  Episodes  of  Massachusetts  History;  Justin  Winsor, 
Memorial  History  of  Boston  ; C.  H.  Levermore,  Republic  of  New 
Haven;  C.  M.  Andrews,  River  Towns  of  Connecticid  (Johns  Hop- 
kins University  Studies , VII.);  D.  Masson,  Life  of  Milton,  II.; 
G.  E.  Howard,  Local  Constitutional  History , I.  — Connecticut:  Alex. 
Johnston:  Sandford  ; Trumbull. — Atwater,  New  Haven  Colony. — 
Rhode  Island:  Greene,  Short  History  ; Arnold.  — New  Hampshire 
Belknap.  — Maine:  Williamson. 


1606-1614-] 


Early  Attempts. 


1 13 


Contemporary  Accounts.  — Morton,  New  England's  Me- 
morial (1669);  Bradford,  History  of  Plymouth  Plantation  (Mass. 
Hist.  Society  Collections , IV.,  vol.  iii.)  Winthrop,  New  England; 
Edward  Johnson.  Wonder-Working  Providetice ; W.  Wood,  New 
England's  Prosfcct ; New  England' s First-Fruits  ; Thomas  Shep- 
ard, Autobiography.  Records  of  the  New  England  colonies  and  towns  ; 
publications  of  the  historical  societies.  — Reprints  in  Peter  Force, 
Tracts;  Edward  Arber,  The  Pilgrim  Colonists;  Alexander  Young, 
Chronicles  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers , and  Chronicles  of  Massachusetts  ; 
Library  of  American  Literature , I.,  II.;  American  History  told  by 
Contemporaries , I.  part  v. 


The  New  England  Colonists. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  commercial  company 
chartered  by  King  James  I.  (1606)  to  colonize  Virginia, 
as  all  of  English  America  was  then  styled,  consisted  of 
two  divisions,  — the  London  (or  South  Virginia)  Company, 
and  the  Plymouth  (or  North  Virginia)  Company.  We 
have  seen  how  the  London  Company  planted  a settlement 
at  Jamestown,  and  what  came  of  it.  The  Plymouth  Com- 
pany was  not  at  first  so  successful.  In  1607,  the  same 
year  that  Jamestown  was  founded,  the  Plymouth  people 
— urged  thereto  by  two  of  their  members,  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges,  governor  of  the  port  of  Plymouth,  and 
Sir  John  Popbam,  chief-justice  of  England  — sent  out 
The  a Party  °f  one  hundred  and  twenty  colonists  to 

Popham  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec,  headed  by  George 

Popham,  brother  of  Sir  John  ; but  the  follow- 
ing winter  was  exceptionally  severe,  many  died,  among 
them  Popham,  and  the  survivors  were  glad  of  an  oppor- 
tunity to  get  back  to  England  (1608). 

In  1614  John  Smith,  after  five  years  of  quiet  life  in 
England,  made  a voyage  to  North  Virginia  as  the  agent 
Smith’s  and  partner  of  some  London  merchants,  and 
voyage;  t°  returned  with  a profitable  cargo  of  fish  and 
England.  furs.  The  most  notable  result  of  his  voyage, 
however,  was  the  fact  that  he  gave  the  title  of  New 
8 


H4 


New  England  Colonies.  [Ch.  VI. 


England  to  the  northern  coast,  and  upon  many  of  the 
harbors  he  discovered,  Prince  Charles  bestowed  names 
of  English  seaports.  During  the  next  half-dozen  years 
there  were  several  voyages  of  exploration  to  New  Eng- 
land, its  fisheries  became  important,  and  some  detailed 
knowledge  of  the  coast  was  obtained ; but  its  colonization 
w,as  not  advanced. 

Chief  among  the  patrons  of  these  enterprises  was  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges.  j In  1620  Gorges  and  his  associates 
The  new  secured  a new  and  independent  charter  for 
charrer'11  l'ie  Plymouth  Company,  usually  known  as  the 
(1620).  Council  for  New  England,  wherein  that  cor- 
poration was  granted  the  country  between  the  fortieth 
and  forty-eighth  .degrees  of  latitude,  — from  about  Long 
Branch,  N.  J.,  to  the  Bay  of  Chaleurs.  The  region  re- 
ceived in  this  charter  the  name  which  Smith  had  bestowed 
upon  it, — New  England.  To  the  company,  consisting  of 
forty  patentees,  was  given  the  monopoly'  of  trade  within 
the  grant,  and  its  income  was  to  be  derived  from  the 
letting  or  selling  of  its  exclusive  rights  to  individual  or 
corporate  adventurers.  ( It  had  power,  also,  froth  to  es- 
tablish and  to  govern  colonies^)  But  the  enterprise  lacked 
capital  and  popular  support.  Virginia,  founded  as  an 
outlet  for  victims  of  economic  distress  in  England,  ap- 
peared to  absorb  all  those  who  cared  to  devote  either 
money  or  energy  to  the  planting  of  America.  The  reor- 
ganized Plymouth  Company  would  doubtless  have  waited 
many  years  for  settlements  upon  its  lands,  had  not  aid 
come  from  an  unexpected  source. 

CfThe  persecution  of  a religious  sect  led  to  the  perma- 
nent planting  of  New  England,)  The  English  Protestants 

under  Elizabeth  may  be  roughly  divided  into 
Religious  , , .-V,  & J , 

groups  in  several  groups  : (1)  I he  great  majority  of  the 

England.  people,  including  most  of  the  rich  and  titled, 

adhered  to  the  Church  of  England;  as  the  “establish- 


1560-1620  ] English  Protestantism. 


115 


ment,”  or  State  religion,  it  retained  much  of  the  Catholic 
ritual  and  creed,  but  with  many  important  omissions  and 


modifications.  (2)  Besides  the  Catholics,  few  and  op- 


pressed, there  was  a distinct  class  who  wished  to  stay  the 
progress  of  the  Reformation  and  more  closely  to  follow 
Rome.  (3)  The  Puritans  sought  to  alter  the  forms  of 
the  church  in  the  other  direction,  but  they  were  them- 
selves divided  into  two  camps  : ( a ) the  conformists,  who 
would  go  farther  than  the  establishment  in  purifying  the 
State__reIigion  and  in  rejecting  Romish  forms,  yet  were 
content  to  remain  and  attempt  their  reforms  within  the 
folds  of  the  Church  ; and  ( b ) the  dissenters,  who  had 
withdrawn  from  the  Church  of  England  and  would  have 
no  communion  with  it.  The  dissenters  were  themselves 
divided:  (i)vthere  were  those  who  wished  to  be  ruled 
by  elders,  on  the  Presbyterian  plan,  such  as  had  been 
introduced  bv  Calvin  and  his  followers  in  Switzerland 
and  France,  by  Zwingli  in  Switzerland  and  Germany, 
and  by  John  Knox  in  Scotland  j then  there  were;(2)  the 
Independents,  or  S_eparatists,  who  would  have  each  con- 
gregation self-governing  in  religious  affairs,- — a system  in 
vogue  in  some  parts  of  Germany.  “ Seeing  they  could 
not  have  the  Word  freely  preached,  and  the  sacraments 
administered  without  idolatrous  gear,  they  concluded  to 
break  off  from  public  churches,  and  separate  in  private 
houses.”  Sometimes  the  Separatists  were  called  Brown- 
ists,  after  one  of  their  prominent  teachers,  Robert  Browne. 
The  Presbyterians  and  Independents  were  alike  few  in 
number  in  Elizabeth’s  time  ; but  as  the  result  of  persecu- 
tion under  James  I.,  and  the  impossibility  of  obtaining 
concessions  to  the  demand  for  reform,  these  sects  steadily 
gained  strength.  The  Independents  in  particular  were 
harshly  treated,  so  that  many  fled  to  Holland,  where 
there  was  religious  toleration  for  all ; and  from  this  branch 
of  the  Separatists  came  the  Pilgrims,  who  first  colonized 
New  England.  _■ 

_ -F  I ...  . 


New  England  Colonies . 


[Ch.  VI 


1 16 


.49.  Plymouth  colonized  (1620-1621). 

Among  those  who  thus  departed  to  a strange  land,  to 
dwell  among  a people  with  habits  and  speech  foreign  to 

theirs,  were  about  one  hundred  yeomen  and 
The  Scrooby  . , _ , , , , 

congrega-  artisans,  members  of  the  Independent  congre- 

tl0n'  gation  at  Scrooby,  a village  on  the  border  be- 

tween Yorkshire  and  Nottinghamshire.  Headed  by  their 
wise  and  excellent  minister.  John  Robinson,  and  the 
T|  j ruling  elder  of  the  church,  William  Brewster, 
pendents  in  the  party  first  settled  at  Amsterdam  (1608), 
Holland.  but  ear]y  (-|ie  following  year  moved  to  Leyden. 
Here,  joined  by  many  other  refugees,  they  lived  for  ten 
years,  laboring  in  whatever  capacities  they  could  obtain 
employment. 

They  lived  peacefully  enough  in  Holland,  free  from 
religious  restraints,  but  remained  Englishmen  at  heart; 
they  saw  with  dissatisfaction,  as  the  years  went  on,  that 
there  was  no  chance  for  material  improvement  in  Leyden, 
and  that  their  children  were  being  made  foreigners. 
After  long  deliberation  they  resolved  to  emigrate  again, 
this  time  to  America,  far  removed  from  their  old  perse- 
cutors, and  there  in  the  wilderness  to  rear  a New  Eng- 
land, where  they  might  live  under  English  laws,  speak 
their  native  tongue,  train  their  children  in  English 
thought  and  habits,  establish  godly  ways,  and  perchance 
better  their  temporal  condition.  Mingled  with  these 
aspirations  was  a desire  to  lay  “ some  good  foundation, 
or  at  least  make  some  way  thereunto,  for  ye  propagating 
& advancing  ye  gospell  of  ye  kingdom  of  Christ  in 
those  remote  parts  of  ye  world  ; yea,  though  they  should 
oe  but  even  as  stepping-stones  unto  others  for  ye  per- 
forming of  so  great  a work.” 

Obtaining  a grant  of  land  from  the  London  (South 
Virginia}  Company,  and  a promise  from  the  king  that 


ii? 


1 620.]  The  Pilgrims. 

they  should  not  be  disturbed  in  their  proposed  colony  if 
they  behaved  properly,  the  emigrants  sailed  from  Leyden 
Emigration  t0  Southampton,  where  they  were  to  take  pas- 
to  America,  sage  for  the  New  World.  These  Pilgrims,  as 
they  styled  themselves,  were  about  one  hundred,  in 
number,  and  under  the  excellent  guidance  of  Brewster, 
Robinson  remaining  behind  with  the  majority  of  the 
congregation,  who  had  decided  to  await  the  result  of 
the  experiment. 

Possessing  little  beyond  their  capacity  to  labor,  the 
Pilgrims  had  found  it  necessary  to  make  the  best  bargain 
possible  with  a number  of  London  capitalists  for  trans- 
portation and  supplies.  A stock  partnership  was  formed, 
\yith_  shares  at  ten  pounds  each,  each  emigrant  being 
deemed  equivalent  to  a certain  amount  of  cash  subscrip- 
tion ; all  over  sixteen  years  of  age  were  counted  as  equal 
to  one  share,  and  a sliding  scale  covered  the  cases  of 
children  and  those  who  furnished  themselves  with  sup- 
plies All  except  those  so  provided  drew  necessaries 
from  the  common  stock.'  There  was  to  be  a community 
of  trade,  property,  and  labor  for  seven  years,  at  the  end 
of  which  time  the  corporation  was  to  disband,  and  the 
assets  were  to  be  distributed  among  the  shareholders. 
The  entire  capital  stock  at  the  beginning  was  seven 
thousand  pounds,  from  a quarter  to  a fifth  of  this  being 
represented  by  the  persons  of  the  emigrants.  The  Lon- 
don partners  sent  out  several  laborers  on  their  account. 

The  voyage  of  the  “ Mayflower  ” is  one  of  the  most 
familiar  events  in  American  history.  Its  companion  ves- 
The land’ng  se*’  ^ie  “Speedwell,”  was  obliged  to  return  to 
England  because  of  an  accident,  and  thus  sev- 
eral of  the  original  company  remained  behind.  The 
adventurers  first  saw  land  on  the  ninth  of  November  ; 
it  was  the  low,  sandy  spit  of  Cape  Cod.  Their  purpose 
had  been  to  settle  in  the  domain  of  the  South  Virginia 


[Ch.  VI. 


1 1 8 New  England  Colonies. 

Company,  somewhere  between  the  Hudson  and  the  Del- 
aware ; but  fate  happily  willed  otherwise.  The  captain, 
thought  to  be  in  the  pay  of  the  Dutch,  who  were  trad- 
ing on  the  Hudson,  professed  to  be  unable  to  proceed 
farther  southward  because  of  contrary  winds.  After 
beating  up  and  down  the  bay  between  the  cape  and  the 
mainland,  and  exploring  the  coast  here  and  there,  the 
Pilgrims  landed  at  a spot  “fit  for  situation”  (Dec.  22, 
1620). 

With  true  English  instinct  for  combination  against 
unruly  elements,  the  Pilgrims  had  (November  11),  while 
The  social  lying  off  Cape  Cod,  formed  themselves  into 
compact.  a body  politic  under  a social  compact.  This 
notable  document  read  as  follows  : “ We  whose  names 
are  under-writen,  the  loyall  subjects  of  our  dread  sove- 
raigne  Lord,  King  James,  by  ye  grace  of  God  of  Great 
Britaine,  Franc,  & Ireland  king,  defender  of  ye  faith, 
&c.,  haveing  undertaken,  for  ye  glorie  of  God  and  ad- 
vancemente  of  ye  Christian  faith,  and  honour  of  our 
king  and  countrie,  a voyage  to  plant  ye  first  colonie  in 
ye  Northerne  parts  of  Virginia,  doe  by  these  presents 
solemnly  and  mutualy  in  ye  presence  of  God,  and  one  of 
another,  covenant  and  combine  ourselves  togeather  into 
a civill  body  politick,  for  our  better  ordering  and  preser- 
vation and  furtherance  of  ye  ends  aforesaid  ; and  by 
vertue  hearof  to  enacte,  constitute,  and  frame  sucli  just 
and  equal!  lawes,  ordinances,  acts,  constitutions,  and 
offices,  from  time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought  most  meete 
and  convenient  for  ye  generall  good  of  ye  Colonie,  unto 
which  we  promise  all  due  submission  and  obedience.” 

The  compact  tvas  signed  by  the  adult  males  of  the 
company,  forty-one  in  number,  only  twelve  of  whom  bore 
the  title  of  “ Master,”  or  “ Mr.,”  — then  of  some  signifi- 
cance. ( They. elected  Dejtcon  John  Carver  as  their  first 
governor,  styled  the  place  wheie  they  landed  Plymouth, 


1620-1621.] 


The  First  Winter. 


1 19 


and  entered  upon  the  serious  business  of  building  New 
England. 

An  exceptionally  mild  winter  had  opened,  yet  it  was 
with  difficulty  that  they  could  provide  adequate  shelter 
The  first  for  themselves,  much  less  secure  comfortable 
winter.  quarters.  The  stock  of  food  they  had  brought 

with  them  soon  failed,  and  what  was  left  was  not  whole- 
some ; in  consequence  of  hunger  and  exposure,  sickness 
ensued,  and  about  one  half  of  the  company  died.  Among 
those  who  succumbed  was  Governor  Carver;  in  his  place 
was  chosen  William  Bradford,  who  held  the  office  for 
tweive__years,  was  the  historian  of  the  colony,  and  until  his 
death  (1657)  the  leading  man  among  Ids  people.  Those 
who  survived  this  terrible  ordeal  were  so  few  and  feeble 
that  under  ordinary  conditions  the  Indians  could  readiiy 
have  massacred  them.  But  owing  to  a pestilence  which, 
a few  years  before,  had  wasted  the  New  England  coast 
tribes,  it  was  many  years  before  the  aborigines  were  strong 
enough  seriously  to  annoy  the  Plymouth  colonists. 

Had  the  Pdgrims  been  ordinary  colonists,  they  would 
no  doubt  have  abandoned  their  settlement  and  returned 
_ in  the  vessel  that  brought  them.  But  they 

Persistence  ° J 

amidadver-  were  of  sterner  stuff  than  the  men  who  suc- 
cumbed to  less  hardship  at  Roanoke  and  on 
the  Kennebec,  and  their  religious  conviction  nerved  them 
to  a grim  task  which  they  believed  to  be  God-given.  It 
was  not  for  faint-hearts  to  found  a new  Canaan. 

In  November.  1621,  fifty  more  of  the  Leyden  congre- 
gation came  out.1  By  this  time  the  people  of  Plymouth 
had,  amid  many  sore  trials,  erected  log-houses  enough 
for  their  use,  built  a rude  fort  on  the  hill  overlooking  the 
settlement,  made  a clearing  of  twenty-six  acres,  and  had 
laid  by  enough  provisions  and  fuel  for  the  winter.  But 
the  addition  to  the  number  of  mouths  materially  de- 
creased the  per  capita  allotment  of  rations. 


A 


120 


[Ch.  VI 


New  England  Colonics. 

The  Pilgrims  having  settled  upon  land  for  which  they 
had  no  grant,  it  had  become  necessary  for  the  London 
adventurers,  who  backed  the  enterprise,  to 
the  ply-  ° secure  a patent  from  the  reorganized  Plymouth 
panyth  C°m"  Company.  That  company  was  working  under 
a charter  from  the  king  as  the  feudal  lord, 
giving  it  privileges  of  settlement,  trade,  and  government ; 
rights  to  colonize  and  trade,  it  was  authorized  to  parcel 
out  to  others,  in  the  form  of  patents,  and  a document  of 
this  character  was  issued  to  the  adventurers  in  May,  1621. 


50.  Development  of  Plymouth  (1621-1691). 

The  industrial  system  inaugurated  at  Plymouth  was, 
like  that  adopted  for  Jamestown,  pure  communism.  The 
The  indus-  governor  and  assistants  organized  the  settlers 
trial  system,  into  a working  band,  all  produce  going  into  a 
common  stock,  from  which  the  wants  of  the  people  were 
first  supplied  : the  surplus  to  be  the  profit  of  the  corpora- 
tion. ( As  in  the  case  of  Jamestown,  the  London  partners 
were  not  pleased  with  the  results  of  the  speculation,  and 
in  harshly  expressing  their  dissatisfaction  soon  fell  into 
a wordy  dispute  with  the  colonists.^) 

Thirty-five  new  settlers  came  out  in  the  autumn  of  1622, 
and  thereafter  nearly  every  year  brought  increase  in  the 
Dissatisfac-  number ; but  the  partners  failed  to  ship  sup- 
London'1'6  pl'es  with  the  new-comers,  deeming  it  proper 
partners.  that  the  colony  should  be  self-supporting ; and 
this  neglect  still  further  strained  existing  relations. 

f In  1624  the  communal  system  was  partially  abandoned, 
each  freeman  being  allawed  <yie  acre  as  a permanent 
Communal  holding.  This  land  was  to  be  as  close  to  the 
tiaTiy1"  par"  town  as  possible;  for  the  climatic  conditions, 
abandoned,  the  necessity  for  protection  against  Indians, 
and  the  desire  for  ease  of  assemblage  at  worship,  made  it 


1621-1627.] 


Plymouth. 


121 


V 


important  that  the  settlement  should  be  compact,  — in 
sharp  distinction  to  the  scattered  river-side  plantations 
of  the  South.  In  1627  each  household  was  granted 
twenty  acres  as  a private  allotment ; but  for  many  years 
there  existed  as  well  a system  of  common  tillage  and 
pasturage  similar  to  that  with  which  the  colonists  were 
familiar  in  the  English  villages.  About  the  same  time 
(1627)  the  colonists  purchased  the  interest  of  their  Lon- 
don partners  for  eighteen  hundred  pounds,  and  became 
wholly  independent  of  dictation  from  England. 

Up  to  this  time  many  of  the  new  colonists  were  sent 
or  selected  by  the  London  shareholders,  and  were  not 
always  congenial  to  the  Pilgrims.  It  now 
obtain  sole  rested  with  them  to  invite  whom  thejf  might ; 
control.  and  as  a resuit  many  0f  their  faith  from  Eng-  I [y 
land  were  brought  over.  In  1643  there  were  three  thou- 
sand inhabitants  in  the  eight  distinct  towns  comprising 
Plymouth  colony ; there  were  also  several  independent 
trading  and  fishing  stations  along  the  coast  established 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Plymouth  Company.  (The 
colony  was  beyond  the  danger  of  abandonment. 

The  early  history  of  Plymouth  is  a story  full  of  pain- 
ful details  of  suffering.  It  was  a long  time  before  the 
people  became  inured  to  the  rigorous  climafe  ; the  te- 
dious winters  were  often  seasons  of  much  hardship  and 
privation.  The  life  they  led  was  toilsome,  but  they  bore 
up  under  it  bravely. 

The  original  colonists  were  kind  and  considerate  to  the 
aborigines,  and  for  many  years  were  the  firm  friends  and 

j t_  allies  of  Massasoit,  head  chief  of  the  Pokano- 
with  the  kets,  whose  lands  they  had  occupied.  Whites 
Indians.  were  not  always  as  comfortable  neighbors  as 
the  savages.  Thomas  Weston,  one  of  the  London  part- 
ners, sent  out  (1622)  an  independent  colony  of  seventy 
men  to  Wessaugusset,  about  twenty-five  miles  north  of 


t \ 


W 

J 


122 


[Cij.  VI. 


New  England  Colonics. 

o 

Plymouth.  They  were  an  idle,  riotous  set,  and  after 
making  serious  trouble  with  the  Indians,  a year  or  two 
later  returned  to  England.  In  1623,  Robert 
with  white  Gorges,  son  of  Ferdinando,  was  appointed 
neighbors,  governor-general  of  the  country  by  the  Council 
for  New  England,  and  in  person  attempted  to  form  a 
colony  upon  land  patented  to  him  “on  the  northeast  side 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,”  but  soon  abandoned  his  enter- 
prise and  returned  home.  In  1625,  Captain  Wollaston 
appeared  with  a number  of  indented  white  servants  and 
started  a colony  on  the  site  of  the  Ouincy  of  to-day. 
But  this  form  of  slave  labor  not  being  suited  to  the 
democratic  conditions  of  New  England  life,  Wollaston 
took  his  servants  to  the  more  congenial  climate  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  his  plant  was  taken  possession  of  by  his  part- 
ner, Thomas  Morton,  who'styled  the  settlement  Merry- 
mount.  Morton  was  much  disliked  by  the  Puritans,  who 
were  scandalized  at  his  free-and-easy  habits,  regarded  the 
apparently  innocent  sports  in  which  he  encouraged  his 
people  as  “beastly  practices,”  and  charged  him  with  the 
really  serious  offence  of  selling  rum  and  firearms  to  the 
natives.  The  Plymouth  militia  dispersed  the  merrymak- 
ers and  sent  Morton  to  England  (1628). 

Several  Church  of  England  men,  representatives  of 
Robert  Gorges, — who  had  a patent  for  a strip  of  terri- 
tory ten  miles  coastwise  and  thirty  miles  inland, — had 
come  out  in  1623,  among  them  William  Blackstone,  set- 
tling on  Shawmut  peninsula,  now  Boston,  Thomas  Wal- 
ford  at  Charlestown,  and  Samuel  Maverick  at  Chelsea. 
Blackstone  afterwards  vacated  his  peninsula  in  favor  of 
the  Puritans  of  Charlestown.  Maverick,  in  his  palisaded 
fort,  was  a man  of  importance,  and  afterwards  a royal 
commissioner  to  the  colonies.  There  was  also  a small 
trading  station  at  the  mouth  of  the  Piscataqua,  and 
another  at  Nantasket,  with  here  and  there  an  individual 


:62o-i63S.]  Government  of  Plymouth.  123 

plantation.  With  most  of  these  the  Plymouth  people 
had  business  relations,  but  little  else  in  common. 

( Plymouth  was  at  first  governed  in  primary  assembly 
with~aTgovernor  and  assistants  elected  by  popular  vote. 
Form  of  As  the  colony  grew  and  new  towns  were 
government,  organized  by  compact  bodies  of  people  detach- 
ing themselves  from  the  parent  settlement,  it  became 
inconvenient  for  all  of  the  people  frequently  to  assemble 
in  Plymouth.  ( The  representative  system  was  adopted 
in  1638^,  each  township  sending  two  delegates  to  an  ad- 
ministrative body  called  the  General  Court,  in  which  the 
governor  and  assistants  also  sat.  It  was  some  years  later 
before  the  General  Court  was  given  law-making  powers, 
this  privilege  being  retained  by  the  whole  body  of  free- 
men. ( For  sixteen  years  the  laws  of  England  were  in 
vogue,  but  in  16 36  a code  of  simple  regulations  was 
adopted,  more  especially  suited  to  the  community.  The 
assistants,  with  the  aid  of  the  jury,  tried  cases  as  well  as 
aided  the  governor  in  the  conduct  of  public  affairs. 

(Purely  local  matters  were  managed  by  primary  assemblies 
in  the  several  towns)  and  (petty  cases  were  tried  by  town 
magistrates.^ 

Many  features  of  American  government  and  character 
may  be  readily  traced  to  the  influence  of  Plymouth. 

( . It  was  the  first  permanent  colony  in  New 
tics  of  Ply-  England;  it  had  become  well  established 
mouth.  before  another  was  planted,  and  therefore 
served  in  some  sense  as  a model  for  its  successors.  It 
was  a community  of  Independents  acting  without  a 
charter,  working  out  their  own  career  practically  free 
from  royal  supervision  or  veto,  and  with  an  elective  gov- 
ernor and  council.  The  Plymouth  people  were  closely 
knit : their  struggle  for  existence  had  been  hard,  and  it 
had  taught  them  the  value  of  solidarity  ; they  set  the 
example  of  a compact  religious  brotherhood ; they  were 


124 


[Ch.  VI. 


New  England  Colonies. 

good  traders,  cultivated  peace  with  the  Indian  tribes,  and 
advanced  their  towns  only  so  fast  as  they  needed  room 
for  growth  and  could  hold  and  cultivate  the  land.  In 
many  respects  Plymouth  may  be  regarded  as  a modern 
American  State  in  embryo. 

Three  several  times  (1618,  1676-77,  and  1690-91) 
the  colony  endeavored,  as  a measure  of  self-defence,  to 
_ obtain  a charter  from  the  Crown;  but  failed  in 

Futile  effort  , , 

to  obtain  a each  application,  — at  first  through  the  m- 

charter.  fiuence  of  the  prelates,  and  afterwards  because 
of  the  jealousy  of  its  neighbors.  Finally,  in  1691,  Ply- 
mouth was  incorporated  with  Massachusetts  and  lost  its 
identity. 


© Massachusetts  founded  (1630). 

The  Plymouth  Company  did  business  in  a rather  hap- 
hazard way.  Land-grants  were  freely  made  to  all  man- 
Boundary  ner  of  speculators,  many  of  them  members  of 
disputes.  the  corporation,  with  little  or  no  regard  to  the 
geography  of  New  England.  These  grants  were  dealt 
out  to  third  parties,  often  with  a lordly  indifference  to 
previous  patents.  The  result  was  that  holdings  fre- 
quently overlapped  each  other,  giving  rise  to  boundary 
quarrels  which  lasted  through  several  generations  of 
claimants. 

In  1623,  an  association  of  merchants  in  Dorchester, 
England,  sent  out  a party  to  form  a colony  near  the 
_ , mouth  of  the  Kennebec,  where  they  had  fish- 

Settlement  . , , , , . 

at  Cape  ing  interests.  1 he  master,  however,  landed  Ins 

men  at  Cape  Ann,  in  Massachusetts  Bay,  the 
site  of  the  present  Gloucester.  Roger  Conant,  who, 
withdrawing  from  Plymouth  “out  of  dislike  of  their  prin- 
ciples of  rigid  separation,”  had  made  an  independent 
settlement  at  Cape  Ann,  was  appointed  local  manager  for 


1623-1628.]  Massachusetts  Founded. 


125 


the  Dorchester  merchants.  In  1626  the  merchants  aban- 
doned their  colony  as  unprofitable,  most  of  the  settlers 
returning  to  England;  and  Conant  led  those  remaining 
to  Salem,  then  called  Naumkeag 

John  White,  a conforming  Puritan  rector  at  Dorchester, 
determined  to  make  this  settlement  of  Dorchester  men  a 
White’s  success.  To  the  settlers  at  Naumkeag  he  sent 
scheme.  urgent  advice  to  stay,  while  at  home  he  set  on 
foot  a movement  which  resulted  in  a definite  scheme  of 
colonization.  The  arbitrary  policy  of  Charles  I.  towards 
dissenters  had  greatly  alarmed  the  Puritans,  and  White’s 
plan  of  “raising  a bulwark  against  the  kingdom  of  Anti- 
christ” in  America  had  the  support  of  many  wealthy  and 
influential  men. 

In  1628,  six  persons,  heading  the  movement,  obtained 
from  the  Plymouth  Company  a patent  for  a strip  about 
The  Massa-  s'xtY  m'les  wide  along  the  coast,  — from  three 
chusetts  miles  south  of  Charles  River  to  three  miles 
an  grant,  0f  the  Merrimack,  and  westward  to  the 

Pacific  Ocean,  which  in  those  days  was  thought  to  be 
not  much  farther  away  than  the  river  discovered  by  Hen- 
drik Hudson  in  1609.  This  patent  conflicted  with  grants 
already  issued  (1622  and  1623)  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gor- 
ges, his  son  Robert,  and  John  Mason,  of  whom  we  shall 
hear  later  on. 

In  September,  1628,  John  Endicott,  gentleman,  one  of 
the  patentees,  arrived  at  Salem  with  sixty  persons,  to 
The  first  reinforce  the  colony  already  there,  and  super- 
charter sede  Conant.  The  following  spring,  the  pat- 

entees being  organized  as  a trading  company, 
the  king  granted  them  a charter  styling  the  corporation 
the  Governor  and  Company  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in 
New  England;  their  only  relationship  to  the  Plymouth 
Company  was  now  that  of  purchasers  of  a tract  of  th«' 
latter’s  land- 


126  New  England  Colonies.  [Ch.  VI. 

Under  this  trading  charter  the  whole  body  of  freemen, 
or  members  of  the  company,  was  to  elect  annually  a 
Form  of  governor,  a deputy-governor,  and  eighteen  as- 
government.  sistantS5  wh0  were  to  meet  monthly  to  perform 
such  public  duties  as  might  be  imposed  upon  them  by  the 
quarterly  meeting  of  the  company,  or  “ Quarter  Court.” 
There  was  also  to  be  an  annual  meeting,  known  as  ‘‘Gen- 
eral Court,”  or  u Court  of  Elections.”  Laws  were  to  be 
adopted  by  the  general  assembly  of  “ freemen,”  — that  is, 
of  stockholders,  — not  contrary  to  the  established  laws 
of  England.  Endicott  was  continued  as  governor  of  the 
colony,  which  was  at  once  recruited  by  three  hundred 
and  eighty  men  and  women  of  the  better  grade  of  coloniz- 
ing material. 

Although  the  company  was  chartered  as  a trading  cor- 
poration, its  principal  object  was  not  gain,  but  to  found  a 
Religious  religious  commonwealth.  It  was  composed  of 
aspirations.  men  0f  rare  ability  and  tact,  as  well  as  of  con- 
summate courage.  Among  them  were  members  of  parlia- 
ment, diplomats,  state  officials,  and  some  of  the  brightest 
and  most  liberal-minded  clergymen  in  England.  > The 
church  which  they  set  up  in  Salem  was  not  at  first 
avowedly  Separatist,  like  that  of  Plymouth;  it  was  sim- 
ply a purified  English  church,  with  a system  of  faith 
and  discipline  such  as  they  had  long  insisted  upon  in 
the  ranks  of  the  mother-church.  But  under  the  circum- 
stances this  purified  church  was  as  independent  in  its 
character  as  the  professedly  Separatist  congregations  of 
Plymouth  ; and  it  was  not  long,  as  one  step  led  to  another, 
and  persecution  hurried  them  on,  before  the  Massachu- 
setts Puritans  were,  like  their  brethren  in  England,  full- 
fledged  Independents. 

Soon  there  was  taken  the  most  important  step  of  all. 
The  Massachusetts  company,  in  the  desire  for  still  greater 
independence,  removed  its  seat  of  government  to  the 


1630.] 


The  Puritan  Hegira. 


127 


colony,  thus  boldly  transforming  itself,  without  legal  sanc- 
tion, from  an  English  trading  company  into  an  American 
colonial  government.  In  April,  1630,  eleven 

The  com-  & u . 

pany  moves  vessels  went  out  to  Massachusetts  Bay,  with 
to  America.  , £ t*'  r i r ^ 

a large  company  or  English  reformers ; and 
during  the  year  there  crossed  over  to  America  not  less 
than  a thousand  English  men  and  women  who  had 
. found  the  arbitrary  rule  of  Charles  quite  un- 
of  the  bearable.  John  Winthrop,  a wealthy  Suffolk 
' ' gentleman  forty- two  years  of  age,  and  one  of 

the  strongest  and  most  lovable  characters  in  American 
history,  was  the  first  governor  under  the  new  arrange- 
ment. Thomas  Dudley,  the  deputy,  was  a stern  and  un- 
compromising Puritan,  cold  and  narrow-minded.  Francis 
Higginson,  the  first  teacher,  who  had  come  over  with 
Endicott,  but  died  in  1630,  was  a Cambridge  alumnus 
who  had  lost  his  church  in  Leicestershire  because  of 
nonconformity.  Skelton,  the  pastor,  was  also  a Cam- 
bridge man. 


52.  Government  of  Massachusetts  (1630-1634). 

There  were  now  too  many  people  assembled  at  the 
port  of  Salem  for  the  supply  of  food,  and  sickness  and 
Salem  hunger  prevailed  to  such  an  alarming  degree 
divides.  that  m any  died  in  consequence.  It  became 
necessary  to  divide,  and  independent  congregations  were 
established,  on  the  Salem  model,  at  Charlestown,  Cam- 
bridge, Watertown,  Roxbury,  and  later  at  Boston,  which 
soon  became  the  capital  of  the  colony  (September,  1630). 
Morton,  who  had  returned  to  Merrymount,  was  again 
driven  from  the  country  ; Sir  Christopher  Gardiner,  a 
disturbing  element  among  the  settlers,  was  obliged  to 
withdraw  to  the  Piscataqua:  the  Puritans  now  held  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  and  brooked  no  rival  claimants.  In 


128 


[Ch.  YT. 


Mew  England  Colonies. 

establishing  this  commonwealth  in  America,  the  Puritan 
founders  were  determined  to  have  things  their  own  way. 

[ It  was  early  decided  by  the  General  Court  (1631)  that 
none  but  church  members  should  be  admitted  as  free- 
, men.  Four  times  a year  the  freemen  were  to 

The  the-  . J 

ocracy  estab-  meet  in  quarter  court,  and  with  them  the 
hshed.  governor,  his  deputy,  and  the  assistants.  But, 
as  in  Plymouth,  it  was  found  after  a time  that  the  towns 
and  the  freemen  had  so  multiplied  that  this  primary 
assemblage  became  inconvenient.  In  1630  the  assis- 
tants were  given  the  power  to  elect  the  governor  and 
deputy  governor,  and  also  to  make  laws.  Then  it  came 
about  that  in  certain  cases  the  control  of  the  colony 
was  in  the  hands  of  only  five  of  the  assistants,  which 
made  the  government  almost  oligarchical.  The  cap- 
sheaf  was  applied  when  (1631)  it  was  ordered  that  the 
assistants  were  to  hold  office  so  long  as  the  freemen  did 
not  remove  them. 

That  same  year,  however,  came  a vigorous  protest 
against  this  autocratic  rule.  The  Watertown  freemen 
The  Water-  declined  to  pay  a tax  of  ^60,  levied  by  the 
town  protest,  assistants  for  fortifications  built  at  Cambridge. 
It  was  argued  that  a people  who  submitted  to  taxation 
without  representation  were  in  danger  of  “ bringing  them- 
selves and  posterity  into  bondage.”  The  next  General 
Court  accepted  this  plea  as  valid,  and  a House  of  Repre- 
sentatives was  inaugurated  on  the  plan  of  the  English 
Commons,  each  town  sending  two  deputies,  and  the  gov- 
ernor and  assistants  sitting  as  members. 

For  a time  the  freemen  resumed  the  right  of  election 
of  governor  and  deputy-governor,  but  soon  handed  this 
Therepre-  duty  over  to  the  representatives.  Voting  by 
system'estab-  bafiot  was  introduced  in  1634,  and  the  free- 
lished.  men,  who  had  become  annoyed  at  threats  from 
England  of  interference  with  their  charter,  asserted  their 


1631-163S.]  Government  of  Massachusetts.  129 


independence  of  the  official  class  by  rebuking  the  assist- 
ants, turning  Winthrop  out  of  office,  electing  Dudley  as 
governor,  making  new  rules  for  the  election  of  deputies, 
providing  for  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  colony,  and 
placing  their  representative  system  on  an  enduring  foun- 
dation. (^Ten  years  later  (1644),  as  the  result  of  a quarrel 
between  the  assistants  and  the  deputies,  growing  out  of 
a petty  civil  suit  over  a lost  pig,  the  colonial  parliament 
became  bicameral,  the  assistants  forming  one  house,  and 
the  deputies  the  other.) 

There  had  been  a healthy  renewal  of  immigration  to 
Massachusetts  in  1633  because  of  increased  harshness 
, . . towards  Puritans  in  England,  and  a number  of 

Aristocratic  0 

propositions  strong  men,  — such  as  Sir  Henry  Vane  and 
rejected.  Hugh  Peter,  — destined  to  play  no  inconsider- 
able part  in  the  history  of  America  and  England,  were 
among  the  new  arrivals.  There  were  other  Puritans 
higher  in  the  social  scale  who  would  have  liked  to  come, 
— such  as  Lord  Say  and  Sele,  and  Lord  Brook;  but  their 
proposition  (1636)  that  an  hereditary  order  of  nobility 
be  established  in  the  province,  did  not  meet  with  popu- 
lar favor ; a desire  to  be  free  from  such  distinctions  was 
one  of  the  causes  which  had  impelled  thousands  to  flee 
to  America.  A little  later  (1638)  the  freemen  put  down 
another  attempt  at  aristocratic  rule,  — a movement  look- 
ing to  the  establishment  of  a permanent  council,  whose 
members  were  to  hold  for  life  or  until  removed  for  cause. 


53.  Internal  Dissensions  in  Massachusetts  (1634^-1637). 

In  1634  the  colony,  now  firmly  planted  with  free  Eng- 
lish institutions  in  full  force,  contained  about  four  thou- 
Condition  of  sand  inhabitants,  resident  in  sixteen  towns, 
the  colony  The  old  log-houses  of  the  first  settlers  were 
gradually  giving  way  to  commodious  frame 
structures  with  gambrel  roofs  and  generous  gables.  The 
9 


130 


[Ch.  VI. 


New  England  Colonies, 

fields  were  being  fenced,  roads  laid  out  between  the 
towns,  and  watercourses  bridged  ; and  the  farms  were 
beginning  to  take  on  an  air  of  prosperity.  Goats,  cattle, 
and  swine  abounded.  Adventurous  trading  skippers, 
often  in  home-made  boats,  had  cautiously  worked  their 
way  through  Long  Island  Sound  as  far  as  the  Dutch  set- 
tlements at  New  York,  and  up  the  coast  to  the  Piscataqua, 
doing  a small  business  by  barter.  Salt  fish,  furs,  and 
lumber  were  exported  to  England,  the  vessels  bringing 
back  manufactured  articles  ; for  as  yet  the  industries  of 
New  England  were  few  and  crude. 

The  Massachusetts  colonists  were  for  the  most  part 
middle-class  Englishmen,  and  education  was  general 
Harvard  among  them.  Many  were  graduates  of  Cam- 
College  bridge,  and  the  clergymen  had,  as  conscientious 
Reformers  seeing  no  hope  of  improvement  in 
the  English  Church,  abandoned  comfortable  livings  at 
home  to  take  charge  of  rude  Independent  meeting-houses 
in  America.  In  1636,  an  appropriation  of  ^400  — a very 
large  sum,  considering  the  means  of  the  province  — was 
made  by  the  General  Court  to  found  a college  at  Cam- 
bridge, that  “the  light  of  learning  might  not  go  out,  nor 
the  study  of  God  s Word  perish.”  Two  years  later 
(163S)  the  Rev.  John  Harvard,  a graduate  of  Emmanuel 
College,  who  had  come  out  in  1637,  dying,  left  his  library 
and  a legacy  of  _£8oo  to  the  new  institution  of  learning, 
“towards  the  erecting  of  a college;”  and  the  Court 
decreed  that  it  should  bear  his  name.  For  two  cen- 
turies the  college  continued  to  receive  grants  from  the 
commonwealth. 

While  the  colonists  were  thus  bravely  making  progress 

, in  laying  the  foundations  of  liberal  institutions 

make  in  America,  there  were  troubles  brewing 

trouble.  both  at  home  and  abroad.  The  unconge- 

nial spirits  whom  they  had  driven  from  Massachusetts 


1634-1636.]  Prosperity  and  Interference.  1 3 1 

Bay  made  complaints  in  England  of  the  ill-treatment 
they  had  received,  and  carried  to  Archbishop  Laud  and 
other  members  of  the  Privy  Council  reports  that  the 
Puritans  were  setting  up  in  America  a practically  inde- 
pendent state  and  church P As  an  immediate  consequence, 
emigrants,  early  in  1634,  were  not  permitted  to  go  to 
New  England  without  taking  the  royal  oath  of  allegiance 
and  promising  to  conform  to  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer. 

In  April  a royal  commission  of  twelve  persons  was 
appointed,  ostensibly  to  take  charge  of  all  the  American 
Attack  on  colonies,  secure  conformity,  and  even  to  revoke 
the  charter,  charters ; but  it  was  well  understood  that 
Massachusetts  was  especially  aimed  at.  The  Massachu- 
setts people  were  speedily  ordered  to  lay  their  charter 
before  the  Privy  Council.  Their  answer,  however,  was 
withheld,  pending  prayerful  consideration.  Meanwhile 
Dorchester,  Charlestown,  and  Castle  Island  were  forti- 
fied; a military  commission  was  set  to  work  to  collect 
and  store  arms  ; militiamen  were  drilled  ; arrangements 
were  made  on  Beacon  Hill,  in  Boston,  for  signalling  the 
inhabitants  of  the  interior  in  case  of  an  attack ; the 
people  were  ordered  on  pain  of  death,  in  the  event  of 
war,  to  obey  the  military  authorities,  and  no  longer  to 
swear  allegiance  to  the  Crown,  but  to  the  colony  of 
Massachusetts. 

But  the  men  of  the  colony  were  politic  as  well  as 
pugnacious,  and  despatched  Winslow  to  England  to 
The  charter  make  peace  with  the  authorities.  While  he 
annulled.  was  in  London,  in  February,  1635,  the  Ply- 
mouth Company  surrendered  its  charter  fo  the  king, 
with  the  condition  that  the  latter  should  annul  all  exist- 
ing titles  in  New  England,  and  partition  the  country  in 
severalty  among  the  members  of  the  Plymouth  council. 
In  accordance  with  this  arrangement,  a writ  of  q7io  war • 


132 


[Ch.  VI. 


New  England  Colonies „ 

ranto  was  issued  against  the  Massachusetts  charter,  it 
was  declared  null  and  void,  and  Gorges  was  authorized  to 
be  viceregal  governor  of  New  England. 

Winslow  was  imprisoned  in  England  for  four  months 
for  having  broken  the  ecclesiastical  law  in  celebrating 
Judgment  marriages  in  the  Plymouth  colony,  but  upon 
suspended,  h;s  re]ease  did  good  diplomatic  work  and  neu- 
tralized much  of  the  opposition.  Meanwhile,  another  and 
stricter  order  was  sent  out  to  the  Massachusetts  Company 
to  surrender  its  charter.  This  again  was  met  by  silence 
and  renewed  military  preparations.  English  Puritans  were 
at  this  time  attempting  to  leave  for  America  in  great  num- 
bers, on  account  of  acts  of  royal  tyranny.  The  difficulty 
with  the  Scotch  Church  ensued,  and  by  1640  the  Long 
Parliament  was  in  session.  In  the  excitement  occasioned 
by  the  Puritan  rising  in  the  mother-land,  the  day  of  pun- 
ishment for  Massachusetts  was  postponed. 


^ 54)  Religious  Troubles  in  Massachusetts  (1636-1638). 

The  opposition  at  home,  occasioned  by  differences  in 
religious  belief,  was  not,  however,  so  easily  thrust  aside. 
Roger  Roger  Williams,  an  able  and  learned,  but  big- 
Wiihams.  oted  y0ung  Welshman,  a graduate  from  Pem- 
broke College,  Cambridge,  came  out  to  Plymouth  in  1631. 
His  tongue  was  too  bold  to  suit  the  English  ecclesiastical 
authorities,  and  to  gain  peace  he  had  been  obliged  to  de- 
part for  the  colonies.  In  1633  he  went  to  Salem,  where 
he  became  pastor  of  the  church.  Williams  was  fond  of 
abstruse  metaphysical  discussion,  and  he  was  an  extremist 
in  thought,  speech,  and  action;  but  while  his  arguments 
were  phrased  in  such  manner  as  often  to  make  it  difficult 
for  us  to  understand  him,  the  views  he  held  were  in  the 
main  what  we  style  modern,  ( Pie  opposed  the  union 
of  church  and  state,  such  as  obtained  in  Massachusetts, 


1631-1636.] 


133 


Roger  Williams. 

where  political  pow_er  was  exercised  only  by  members  of 
the  congregation);(  he  was  opposed  to  enforced  attendance 
on  church,  and  would  have  done  away  with  all  contributions 
for  religious  purposes  which  were  not  purely  voluntary. 
Such  doctrines  were,  however,  held  to  be  dangerous 
to  the  commonwealth  ; and  indeed  expression  of  them 
would  not  at  that  time  have  been  permitted  in  England 
nor  in  many  parts  of  Continental  Europe.  But  this  was 
not  all.  Williams  in  a pamphlet  pronounced  it  as  his 
solemn  judgment  that  the  king  was  an  intruder,  and  had  no 
right  to  grant  American  lands  to  the  colonists  ; that  honest 
patents  could  only  be  procured  from  the  Indians  by  pur- 
chase ; and  that  all  existing  titles  were  therefore  invalid. 
This  was  deemed  downright  treason,  which  he  was  com- 
pelled by  the  magistrates  to  recant.  At  Salem,  Endicott, 
who  was  one  of  his  disciples,  became  so  heated  under  his 
pastor’s  teachings  that,  in  token  of  his  hatred  of  the  sym- 
bols of  Rome,  he  cut  the  cross  of  St.  George  from  the 
English  ensign.  The  General  Court,  greatly  alarmed  lest 
these  proceedings  should  anger  the  king,  reprimanded 
Endicott  ; and,  because  of  his  “ divers  new  and  danger- 
ous opinions,”  ordered  Williams  (January,  1636)  to  return 
to  England.  The  latter  escaped,  and  passed  the  winter  in 
missionary  service  among  the  Indians.  In  the  spring, 
privately  aided  by  the  lenient  Winthrop,  the  trouble- 
some agitator  passed  south,  with  five  of  his  followers, 
to  Narragansett  Bay,  and  there  established  Providence 
Plantation. 

Mrs.  Anne  Hutchinson  arrived  in  Boston  from  Eng- 
land in  the  autumn  of  1634.  She  was  a woman  of  bril- 
A liant  parts,  but  impetuous  and  indiscreet,  and 

Hutchinson  by  instinct  an  agitator.  Her  religious  views 
Amino-  are  described  by  Winthrop  as  containing  “ two 
mans.  dangerous  errors, — first,  that  the  person  of 
the  Holy  Ghost  dwells  in  a justified  person  ; second, 


134 


ICH.  VI. 


New  England  Colonics. 

that  no  sanctification  can  help  to  evidence  to  i'S  our  jus- 
tification.'' This  is  cloudy  to  a modern  layman.  The 
theory  is  styled  Antinomian  by  its  enemies,  and  was  sub- 
stantially as  follows : Any  person  in  a “ state  of  grace  ” 
or  ‘‘justification"  is  at  the  same  time  “sanctified;" 
since  he  is  both  justified  and  sanctified,  the  person  of 
the  Holy  Ghost  dwells  in  his  heart,  and  his  acts  can- 
not in  the  nature  of  things  partake  of  sin:  therefore  he 
need  have  no  great  concern  about  the  outward  aspect  of 
his  works.  This  doctrine  was  contrary  to  that  enter- 
tained by  the  Puritans,  who  believed  that  a person  must 
be  first  justified  by  faith,  and  then  sanctified  by  works. 
They  thought  the  Antinomian  dogma  open  to  pernicious 
interpretation,  and  not  conducive  to  the  welfare  of  society. 
Its  advocacy  threw  Boston  into  a great  ferment. 

Mrs.  Hutchinson  soon  had  a large  following,  among 
whom  were  Wheelwright,  John  Cotton,  and  Thomas 
Hooker,  of  the  ministers  ; while  among  laymen  who  were 
well  inclined  towards  her  doctrine  was  the  younger  Henry 
Vane,  then  governor  of  the  coionv,  who  was  in  later  yeirs 
to  become  prominent  as  one  of  the  leaders  in  the  English 
Commonwealth.  In  the  conditions  then  existing  in  Mas- 
sachusetts Mrs.  Hutchinson’s  teachings  were  considered 
dangerous  to  the  State  ; they  opposed  the  authority  of 
the  ecclesiastical  rulers,  and  this  tended  to  breed  civil 
dissension.  One  of  her  supporters,  Greensmith,  was 
fined  .£40  by  the  General  Court  (March,  1637)  for  publicly 
declaring  that  all  the  preachers  except  Cotton,  Wheel- 
wright, and  Thomas  Hooker  taught  a covenant  of  works 
instead  of  a covenant  of  grace,  the  difference  between 
which,  the  layman  Winthrop  said,  “ no  man  could  tell, 
except  some  few  who  knew  the  bottom  of  the  matter.” 
At  the  same  time  Wheelwright  was  found  guilty  of  sedi- 
tion because  in  a sermon  he  had  counselled  his  hearers 
to  fight  for  their  liberties,  but  with  weapons  spiritual,  not 


1634-1637-] 


Anne  Hutchinson. 


135 


carnal.  When  the  Boston  church  supported  their  min- 
ister, the  Court  responded  by  voting  to  hold  its  next 
meeting  at  Newtown  (Cambridge),  where  it  might  delibe- 
rate amid  quieter  surroundings  than  at  Boston. 

When  the  Court  of  Election  met  at  Newtown  (May, 
1637),  Vane  and  his  friends  were,  in  the  course  of  a 
tumultuous  session,  dropped  out  of  the  government, 
Winthrop  was  again  chosen  governor,  and  the  uncom- 
promising heretic-hater  Dudley  deputy-governor.  Vane 
departed  for  England  in  disgust,  never  to  return.  For 
a time  it  seemed  as  if  peace  had  come  under  the  politic 
Winthrop,  and  the  Hutchinsonians  gave  evidences  of  a 
desire  to  compromise.  In  a few  months,  however,  the 
Court  re-opened  the  whole  controversy  by  legislating 
against  all  new-comers  who  were  tainted  with  heresy. 
The  old  warfare  broke  out  again.  The  charges  of  sedi- 
tion against  Wheelwright  were  renewed,  he  was  banished, 
and  fled,  with  a few  adherents,  to  the  Piscataqua. 

Mrs.  Hutchinson  was  placed  on  trial  (November,  1637) 
and  commanded  to  leave  the  colony,  which  she  did  in 
TT  . March  following,  and  went  to  Rhode  Island, 
inson  Seventy-six  of  her  followers  were  disarmed, 

banished  some  were  disfranchised,  others  fined,  and  still 
others  “ desired  and  obtained  license  to  remove  them- 
selves and  their  families  out  of  the  jurisdiction.”  Quiet 
once  more  prevailed.  Wheelwright  recanted  after  a time, 
and  was  permitted  to  resume  his  habitation  in  Boston  ; 
and  many  others  of  the  disaffected  were  finally  restored 
to  citizenship. 

The  little  commonwealth  had  been  shaken  to  its  foun- 
dations by  a controversy  which  to-day  — when  religion 
The  policy  of  and  P0^'1'03  are  separated,  to  the  advantage  of 
repression  both  — would  be  considered  of  small  moment 
se-ess  u . eyen  jn  Gne  0f  our  rurai  villages  ; but  the  State 
and  the  Church  were  one  in  the  colony  of  Massachusetts, 


[Ch.  VI. 


136  New  England  Colonies. 


and  ecclesiastical  contumacy  was  political  contumacy  as 
well.  Under  such  conditions  there  could  safely  be  nei- 
ther liberty  of  opinion  nor  of  speech  ; the  welfare  of  a 
government  thus  constituted  lay  in  stern  repression.  The 
suppression  and  banishment  of  Roger  Williams  and  Mrs. 
Hutchinson  were  eminently  successful  in  restoring  order 
and  public  security,  in  the  train  of  which  came  increased 
immigration  and  greater  prosperity. 


Indian  Wars  (1635-1637)- 


While  these  things  were  going  on  in  Boston  and 
Newtown,  warfare  of  another  sort  was  in  progress  to  the 
The  Dutch  south.  In  1635  residents  of  Massachusetts 
at  Hartford.  made  a settlement  on  the  Connecticut  river,  on 
the  site  of  Windsor,  above  the  Dutch  fort  at  Hartford; 
and  later  in  the  same  year  another  party,  under  John 
Winthrop  the  younger,  built  Saybrook,  at  the  mouth  of 
the  stream.  These  Connecticut  settlements  formed  an 
outpost  in  the  heart  of  the  Indian  country,  and  trouble 
was  inevitable. 

At  last  the  attitude  of  the  Pequods,  the  tribe  occupying 
the  lower  portion  of  the  Connecticut  valley,  became  un- 
The  Pequod  bearable  ; they  interfered  with  immigrants 


going  overland,  and  rendered  trade  by  sea 


war. 


dangerous.  They  endeavored  to  enlist  the  sympathy  of 
the  Narragansetts  in  their  forays.  Could  these  tribes 
have  formed  a coalition,  it  seems  likely  that  the  New 
England  colonists,  then  few  and  weak,  must  have  been 
driven  into  the  sea.  Roger  Williams,  bearing  no  malice 
towards  his  old  enemies  in  Massachusetts,  averted  this 
calamity.  As  the  result  of  great  exertions  on  his  part,  the 
Narragansetts  were  induced  to  disregard  the  overtures 
of  their  old  enemies,  the  Pequods,  and  the  Connecticut 
Indians  went  alone  upon  the  war-path.  They  made  life 


-635“i637-] 


137 


Pequod  War. 

a burden  to  the  settlers  in  the  little  towns  of  Saybrook, 
Hartford,  Windsor,  and  Wethersfield.  An  appeal  for  aid 
went  up  from  the  colonists  in  the  Connecticut  valley  to 
Massachusetts  and  Plymouth,  and  was  promptly  answered. 

In  the  little  intercolonial  army  of  some  three  hundred 
men,  Captains  John  Mason  of  Windsor  and  John  Under- 
hill of  Massachusetts  were  the  leading  figures. 
The  . . & & . 

Pequods  The  Pequods  were  surprised  in  their  chief 

crushed.  town  (May  20,  1637),  the  walls  of  which  were 
burned  by  the  whites,  while  volleys  of  musketry  were 
poured  into  the  crowd  of  savages,  who  huddled  together 
in  great  fear.  Says  Underhill,  “It  is  reported  by  them- 
selves that  there  were  about  four  hundred  souls  in  this 
fort,  and  not  above  five  of  them  escaped  out  of  our  hands ; ” 
others  report  that  seven  hundred  Pequods  fell  on  that 
terrible  day.  Of  the  besiegers  but  two  were  killed, 
though  a quarter  of  the  force  were  wounded.  From  this 
scene  of  slaughter  the  victorious  colonists  marched 
through  the  rest  of  the  enemy’s  territory,  burning  wig- 
wams and  granaries,  taking  some  of  the  survivors  prison- 
ers, to  be  sold  into  slavery,  and  so  thoroughly  scattering 
the  others  that  the  Pequod  tribe  never  reorganized  ; the 
expedition  had  thoroughly  uprooted  it. 


Laws  and  Characteristics  of  Massachusetts 
(1637-1643). 


For  more  than  ten  years  after  the  planting  of  Massa- 
chusetts the  magistrates  dispensed  justice  according  to 
their  understanding  of  right  and  wrong  ; there 
were  no  statutes,  neither  had  the  English 
common  law  been  officially  recognized,  except  so  far  as  it 
was  understood  that  Englishmen  carried  the  law  of  their 
land  with  them  in  emigrating  to  America.  “ In  the  year 
1634,”  says  Hutchinson,  “ the  plantation  was  greatly 
increased,  settlements  were  extended  more  than  thirty 


138  New  England  Colonies.  [Ch.  VI. 

miles  from  the  capital  town,  and  it  was  thought  high  time 
to  have  known  established  laws,  that  the  inhabitants 
might  no  longer  be  subject  to  the  varying  uncertain  judg- 
ments which  otherwise  would  be  made  concerning  their 
actions.  The  ministers  and  some  of  the  principal  laymen 
were  consulted  with  about  a body  of  laws  suited  to  the 
circumstances  of  the  colony,  civil  and  religious.  Com- 
mittees of  magistrates  and  elders  were  appointed  ” from 
year  to  year  by  the  General  Court,  but  it  was  not  until 
1641  that  a body  of  statutes  was  finally  adopted. 

The  influence  of  the  clergy  is  well  illustrated  in  the 
fact  that  the  two  codes  finally  submitted  were  the  work 
The  Body  of  °f  ministers,  — John  Cotton  of  Boston,  and 
Liberties.  Nathaniel  Ward  of  Ipswich.  The  latter’s 
plan,  in  which  he  received  the  aid  of  Winthrop  and 
others  of  the  elders,  was  adopted  in  1641,  under  the  title 
of  The  Body  of  Liberties.  In  England,  Ward  had  at 
one  time  been  a barrister,  and  was  well  read  in  the 
common  law,  on  which  his  code  was  mainly  based,  al- 
though it  also  contained  many  features  of  the  law  of 
Moses.  Equal  justice  was  vouchsafed  to  all,  old  or 
young,  freeman  or  foreigner,  master  or  servant,  man  or 
woman ; persons  and  property  were  to  be  inviolable 
except  by  law  ; brutes  were  to  be  humanely  treated ; no 
one  was  to  be  tried  twice  for  the  same  offence  ; barbar- 
ous or  cruel  punishments  were  forbidden  ; public  records 
were  to  be  open  for  inspection  ; church  regulations  were 
to  be  enforced  by  civil  courts,  and  church  officers  and 
members  were  amenable  to  civil  law  ; the  Scriptures  were 
to  overrule  any  custom  or  prescription ; the  general 
rules  of  judicial  proceedings  were  defined,  as  were  also 
the  privileges  and  duties  of  freemen,  and  the  liberties 
and  prerogatives  of  the  churches;  public  money  was 
to  be  spent  only  with  the  consent  of  the  taxpayers. 
“ There  shall  be  no  bond  slaverie,  villinage  or  Captivitie 


1641]  Body  of  Liberties.  139 

amongst  us  unles  it  be  lawfull  Captives  taken  in  just 
warres,  and  such  strangers  as  willingly  selle  themselves 
or  are  sold  to  us  ; ” but  all  such  were  to  be  allowed  “ all 
the  liberties  and  Christian  usages  which  the  law  of  god 
established  in  Israeli.”  Notwithstanding  this  enlightened 
provision,  persons  continued  to  be  born  and  to  live  and 
die  as  slaves  within  the  boundaries  of  the  common- 
wealth down  to  17S0.  Servants  fleeing  from  the  cruelty 
of  their  masters  were  to  be  protected,  and  there  was  to 
be  appeal  from  parental  tjranny.  “ Everie  marryed 
woeman  shall  be  free  from  bodilie  correction  or  stripes 
by  her  husband,  unlesse  it  be  in  his  owne  defence  upon 
her  assalt.”  The  capital  offences,  selected  from  the 
Scriptures,  were  twelve  in  number:  among  them  were: 
“ (2)  If  any  man  or  woman  be  a witch  (that  is,  hath  or 
consulteth  with  a familiar  spirit),  they  shall  be  put  to 
death  and  “ (12)  If  any  man  shall  conspire  and  at- 
tempt any  invasion,  insurrection,  or  publique  rebellion 
against  our  commonwealth,  ...  or  shall  treacherously 
and  perfediouslie  attempt  the  alteration  and  subversion 
of  our  frame  of  politie  or  Government  fundamentally,  he 
shall  be  put  to  death.”  The  essence  of  this  Body  of 
Liberties  was  afterwards  incorporated  into  the  formal 
laws  of  the  colony.  It  was  the  foundation  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts code. 

Massachusetts  was  the  first  large  colony  in  New  Eng- 
land. Its  people  were  educated,  and  as  a rule  of  a higher 
Character-  social  grade  than  those  of  Plymouth.  Under 
Ma?sachu-  a charter  which  contained  many  very  liberal 
setts.  provisions,  a highly  organized  government  was 

developed,  which  served  as  a model  to  the  other  colonies, 
and  had  a wide  influence  in  the  building  of  a nation 
founded  on  the  principles  of  self-government.  Plymouth 
had,  after  sixteen  years,  separated  into  towns  ; but  when 
organized  town  and  church  governments  moved  bodily 


| !)-') 

140  New  England  Colonies.  [Ch.  VI 

from  Massachusetts  to  found  Connecticut,  Massachusetts 
became  the  first  mother  of  colonies.  Massachusetts  was 
bolder,  more  aggressive,  and  more  tenacious  of  her  liber- 
ties than  any  other  of  the  American  colonies  ; her  people 
took  firm,  sometimes  obstinate,  stand  for  their  rights 
as  Englishmen,  and  were  often  alone  in  their  early  con- 
tentions for  principles  upon  which  in  after  years  the 
Revolution  was  based.  In  their  treatment  of  the  In 
dians  they  were  inclined  to  be  mor^  imperious  than  their 
neighbors. 

( 57^)  Connecticut  founded  (1633-1639). 

In  1633  Plymouth  built  a^fur-tradin^jhouse  on  the  site 
of  Windsor^  on  the  Connecticut  River.  A party  of 
Plymouth  Dutch  traders  from  New  York  was  aiready 
traders  at  planted  at  Hartford,  in  “a  rude  earthwork 

Windsor.  with  two  guns?’  and  strenuously  objected  to 

this  intrusion  ; but  the  Plymouth  men  found  trade  with 
the  Indians  profitable,  and  stood  their  ground. 

The  same  year  the  overland  route  to  the  Connecticut 
was  explored  by  the  Massachusetts  trader,  John  Oldham. 

The  Massa-  w^°  was  afterwards  slain  by  the  Pequods  at 
chusetts  Block  Island.  The  favorable  reports  which 

Oldham  carried  back  induced  a number  of 
people  in  Newtown  (Cambridge),  Dorchester,  and  Water- 
town,  in  the  Massachusetts  colony,  to  remove  to  the 
Connecticut  and  set  up  an  independent  State.  “ Hereing 
of  ye  fame  of  Conightecute  river,  they  had  a hankering 
mind  after  it.”  Ostensibly  they  sought  better  pasturage 
for  their  cattle,  to  prevent  the  Dutch  from  gaining  a 
permanent  hold  on  the  country,  and  to  plant  an  outpost 
in  the  Pequod  country  ; but  there  also  appear  to  have 
been  some  differences  of  opinion  between  these  people 
and  the  Massachusetts  authorities,  growing  out  of  the 
taxation  of  Watertown  in  1631  ; and  no  doubt  their 

(«•)  jH 

0 u 


j633~i63  7] 


Connecticut  Founded. 


141 

ministers  and  elders  — among  whom  were  such  strong 
men  as  Thomas  Hooker,  Samuel  Stone,  and  Roger  Lud- 
low— were  desirous  of  greater  recognition  than  they 
obtained  at  home.  These  differences  were  not  so  grave 
but  that  Massachusetts,  after  a spasm  of  opposition, 
formally  permitted  the  migration,  gave  to  the  outgoing 
colonists  a commission,  and  lent  to  them  a cannon  and 
some  ammunition.) 

During  the  summer  of  1635  a Dorchester  party  planted 
a settlement  at  Windsor  around  the  walls  of  the  Plymouth 
Plymouth  post.  Plymouth  did  not  approve  of  this  cav- 
overawed.  alier  treatment  of  her  prior  rights  by  the 
Massachusetts  pioneers,  but  was  obliged  to  submit  with 
what  grace  she  might,  as  she  had  in  many  controversies 
with  her  domineering  neighbor  to  the  north. 

That  same  autumn  (1635)  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  ap 
peared  at  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut  with  a coinmis-  ^ ' 
Winthrop  at  s'on  as  governor,  issued  by  Lord  Brook,  Lord 
Saybrook.  gay  and  Sele,  and  their  partners,  to  whom  in 
1631  Lord  Warwick,  as  president  of  the  council  for  New 
England,  had  granted  all  the  country  between  the  Nar- 
ragansett  River  and  the  Pacific  Ocean.  Winthrop  had 
just  thrown  up  a breastwork  when  a Dutch  vessel  ap- 
peared on  its  way  to  Hartford  with  supplies  for  the 
traders,  and  was  ordered  back  ; thus  were  the  New 
Amsterdam  people  cut  off  from  a profitable  commerce 
on  the  Connecticut,  and  from  territorial  expansion  east- 
ward, although  their  Hartford  colony  lived  for  many 
years. 

The  migration  from  Massachusetts  to  the  Connecticut 
continued  vigorously  during  1636,  and  by  the  spring  ot 
Condition  7 the  colony  had  a population  of  eight 

of  the  colony  hundred  souls,  grouped  in  the  three  towns  of 
1636  1637).  -^7jncjsor)  Hartford,  and  Wethersfield,  — Win- 
throp’s  establishment  at  Saybrook  being  but  a military 


142 


[Ch.  VI. 


New  England  Colonies. 

station,  which  had  no  connection  with  the  Massachusetts 
settlements  up  the  river  until  1644.  The  Pequod  war, 
in  1637,  stirred  Connecticut  to  its  centre.  A force  of 
about  one  hundred  and  fifteen  Massachusetts  and  Con- 
necticut men,  under  the  command  of  Capt.  John  Mason 
of  Windsor,  was  handled  with  much  skill,  and  soon  nearly 
annihilated  the  Pequod  tribe.  The  Indians  crushed,  im- 
migration was  renewed,  and  prosperity  became  general 
throughout  the  valley. 

58.  The  Connecticut  Government  (1639-1643). 

During  the  first  year  the  Connecticut  towns  were  still 
claimed  by  the  parent  colony,  and  were  controlled  by  a 
Government  commission  from  Massachusetts.  At  the  end 
established  Gf  that  time  (1637)  there  was  held  a General 
Court,  in  which  each  town  was  represented  by  two  magis- 
trates, this  body  adopting  such  local  regulations  as  were 
of  immediate  necessity. 

In  January,  1639,  the  three  towns  adopted  a consti- 
tution in  which  Massachusetts  acquiesced,  thus  practi- 
The  Con  cally  abandoning  her  claims  of  sovereignty 
necticut  over  them.  (This  Connecticut  constitution  was 
Constitution.  uncjou ted ly,  as  Fiske  says,  “ the  first  written 
constitution  known  to  history  that  created  a government,” 
— the  “Mayflower”  compact  being  rather  an  agreement 
to  accept  a constitution,  while  Magna  Charta  did  not 
create  a government.  Bryce  characterizes  the  Connecti- 
cut document  as  “the  oldest  truly  political  constitution  in 
America.”  It  is  noticeable  for  the  fact  that  it  made  no 
reference  to  the  king  or  to  any  charter  or  patent;  it  was 
simply  an  agreement  between  colonists  in  neighboring 
towns,  independent  of  any  but  royal  authority,  as  to  the 
manner  of  their  local  and  general  self-government.  The 
governor  and  six  magistrates  (another  name  for  assistants) 
were  to  be  elected  by  a majority  of  the  whole  body  of  free- 


Connecticut  Constitution. 


143 


1639] 

men;  but  later,  with  the  spread  of  the  colony,  voting  by 
proxies  was  allowed.  (The  governor  alone  need  be  a church 
member,  and  he  was  not  to  serve  for  two  years  in  succes- 
sion; but  this  restriction  on  re-election  was  abolished  in 
favor  of  the  younger  Winthrop  in  1660.)  Each  town  might 
admit  freemen  by  popular  vote  ; and  it  is  noticeable  that 
despite  the  fact  that  the  original  settlers  of  Connecticut 
came  as  organized  congregations,  with  their  ministers 
and  elders,  it  was  ordained  there  should  be  no  religious 
restriction  on  suffrage,  which  was  thus  made  almost 
unrestricted  ; the  towns  were  to  be  represented  in  the 
General  Court  by  two  deputies  each;  the  practical  admin- 
istration was  in  the  hands  of  the  governor  and  his  assist- 
ants, who  were  also  members  of  the  General  Court,  f In 
time  the  system  became  bicameral,  the  deputies  forming 
the  lower,  and  the  council  the  upper  house  ; the  towns 
were  allowed  all  powers  not  expressly  granted  to  the 
commonwealth,  the  affairs  of  each  being  executed  by  a 
board  of  “ chief  inhabitants,”  acting  as  magistrates.  The 
government  of  Connecticut  was  on  the  whole  somewhat 
more  liberal  and  democratic  than  that  of  Massachusetts, 
and  was  the  model  upon  which  many  American  States 
were  afterwards  built.  ) 

More  than  to  any  other  man,  the  credit  for  this  epoch- 
making  constitution  belongs  to  the  Rev.  Thomas  Hooker, 
Hooker’s  of  Hartford,  the  leading  spirit  of  the  colony, 
influence.  He  argUecj  that  “the  foundation  of  authority 
is  laid  in  the  free  consent  of  the  people;”  that  “the 
choice  of  public  magistrates  belongs  unto  the  people  by 
God’s  own  allowance  ; ” and  that  “ they  who  have  power 
to  appoint  officers  and  magistrates  have  the  right  also  to 
set  the  bounds  and  limitations  of  the  power  and  place 
unto  which  they  call  them.”  Th  se  are  truisms  Jo- 
day,  but  in  1638  they  vvero  the  utterances  of  a political 
prophet. 

'fas.  <r  4 •..c't,  OyCXst'O-i- 


[Cii.  VI. 


144  New  England  Colonies. 


Under  her  liberal  constitutional  government,  based  upon 
the  voice  of  the  people,  Connecticut  was  from  the  first  a 
Character-  Poetically  independent  republic.  The  public 
istics  of  officers  were  plain,  honest  men,  who  acceptably 
Connecticut.  ac|mjnjstered  t|le  affairs  0f  the  colony  with 

small  cost.  The  colonists  were  shrewd  in  political  man- 
agement, frugal  in  their  expenditures,  hard-working,  and 
ingenious.  Education  flourished,  a severe  morality  ob- 
tained, and  religious  persecution  was  unknown.  Con- 
necticut was  noted  among  the  colonies  for  its  prosperity, 
independence,  and  enlightenment. 

59.)  Hew  Haven  founded  (1637-1644). 

Th££tpJii]u_s  Eaton  was  a London  merchant  “of  fair 
estate,  and  of  great  esteem  for  religion  and  wisdom  in 
Origin  of  the  outward  affairs.”  He  was  at  one  time  an 
colony.  ambassador  to  the  Danish  court,  and  had  been 
one  of  the  original  assistants  of  the  Massachusetts  Com- 


pany, although  not  active  in  its  affairs.  John  Davenport 
had  been  an  ordained  minister  in  London  ; he  turned 
Puritan,  and  on  his  resignation  in  1633  went  to  Holland. 
These  two  men  formed  a congregation,  composed  for  the 
most  part  of  middle-class  Londoners,  who  resolved  to 
migrate  to  America,  there  to  set  up_a  State  founded_on 
scriptural  models.  The  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts 
men  had  started  out  with  this  same  idea;  but  as  the  result 
of  circumstances,  had  made  compromises  which  Eaton 
and  Davenport  could  not  countenance. 

In  July,  1637,  the  two  leaders  arrived  in  Boston  with 
a small  company  of  their  disciples,  among  whom  were 
, several  men  of  wealth  and  good  social  position, 

The  planta-  b . 

tion  cove-  but  extremely  narrow  and  bigoted  in  religious 

nant'  faith.  They  have  been  styled  the  Brahmins 

of  New  England  Puritanism.  They  did  not  deem  it 
practicable  to  settle  in  Massachusetts,  and  the  following 


1637-1643-] 


New  Haven  Founded. 


M5 


spring  (March,  1638)  sailed  to  Long  Island  Sound  and 
established  an  independent  settlement  on  the  site  of 
New  Haven,  thirty  miles  west  of  the  Connecticut  river. 
For  a year  their  only  bond  of  union  was  a “plantation 
covenant”  to  obey  the  Scriptures  in  all  things. 

In  October,  1639,  there  was  adopted  a constitution,  in 
the  making  of  which  Davenport  had  the  chief  hand. 
The  Con-  The  governor  and  four  magistrates  were  to  be 
stnution.  elected  by  the  freemen,  who  were,  as  in  Mas- 
sachusetts, church  members  ; trial  by  jury  was  rejected, 
because  it  lacked  scriptural  authority  ; and  it  was  for- 
mally declared  “ that  the  Word  of  God  shall  be  the  only 
rule  attended  unto  in  ordering  the  affairs  of  government.” 
Eaton  was  chosen  governor,  and  held  the  office  by  annual 
election  until  his  death,  twenty  years  later. 

The  neighborhood  of  New  Haven  was  soon  settled  by 
other  immigrants,  most  of  whom  were  also  strict  con- 
Nei-hbor-  structionists  of  the  Scriptures,  while  a few 
mg  towns,  others  were  as  liberal  in  their  ideas  as  the 

people  of  the  Connecticut  valley.  Guilford  was  estab- 
lished (1639)  seventeen  miles  to  the  north,  and  Milford 
(1639)  eleven  miles  westward  ; Stamford  (1640),  well  on 
towards  New  York,  followed,  while  Southold  was  boldly 
planted  (1640)  on  Long  Island,  opposite  Guilford,  in 
territory  claimed  by  the  Dutch.  As  each  town  was  as 
well  a church,  these  were  for  some  years  little  inde- 
pendent communities,  founded  on  the  New  Haven 
model.  In  1643,  however,  they  formed  a union  with  New 
Haven,  and  a system  of  representation  was  introduced. 
Each  town  sent  up  deputies  to  the  General  Court,  in 
which  also  sat  the  governor,  deputy-governor,  and  assist- 
ants, elected  by  the  whole  body  of  freemen  ; yet  a major- 
ity of  either  the  deputies  or  the  magistrates  might  veto 
a measure.  Local  magistrates  — seven  to  each  town, 
known  as  “ pillars  of  the  church  ” — tried  petty  cases, 
10 

<52  7“"  ^ 

31  — tflii,  A ^ , o,  '/f  „ 


146 


[Ch.  VI 


New  England  Colonies. 


(M 


\Cl 


but  important  suits  were  passed  upon  by  the  assistants. 
The  “ seven  pillars  ” were  the  autocrats  of  their  several 
towns,  and  colonial  affairs  were  also  practically  in  the 
hands  of  the  select  few  who  controlled  the  church. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  General  Court  in  April,  1644,  the 
magistrates  in  the  confederation  were  ordered  to  observe 
Peters’s  “ f'ie  judicial  laws  of  God  as  they  were  de- 
Faise  Blue  livered  by  Moses.”  This  injunction  afterwards 
gave  rise  to  an  absurd  report,  circulated  in  1781 
by  Rev.  Samuel  Peters,  a Tory  refugee,  that  the  New 
Haven  statutes  were  of  peculiar  quaintness  and  severity. 
For  nearly  one  hundred  years  Peters’s  fable  of  the  New 
Haven  Blue  Laws  was  accepted  as  historic  truth. 

At  first,  New  Haven  failed  to  prosper ; but  after  a few 
years,  with  the  increase  of  trade,  better  times  prevailed, 
and  by  the  close  of  the  century  the  town  was 

Character-  . ' 

istics  of  noted  for  the  wealth  of  its  inhaoitants  and  their 
New  Haven.  ^ne  houses.  ! Education  was  greatly  encour- 
aged, and  there  were  considerable  shipping  interests; 
but  the  ecclesiastical  system  was  peculiar,  and  suffrage 
greatly  restricted.  There  were,  in  consequence,  frequent 
outbursts  of  dissatisfaction  among  the  people.  |The  col- 
ony thus  had  conspicuous  elements  of  weakness,  and  was 
finally  absorbed  by  Connecticut.  ) 

JSOj  Rhode  Island  founded  (1636-1654). 

In  1636,  with  five  of  his  disciples,  Roger  Williams, 
Roger  driven  from  Massachusetts  as  a reformer  of  a 
Williams.  dangerous  type,  established  the  town  of  Prov- 
idence, at  the  head  of  Narragansett  Bay. 

The  following  year  (1637)  a party  of  Anne  Hutch- 
ing inson’s  followers  — also  expelled  from  Mas- 

liutcinnson.  sachusetts  because  of  heretical  opinions  — 
settled  on  the  island  of  Aquedneck  (afterwards  Rhode 
Island),  eighteen  miles  to  the  south.  Mrs.  Hutchinson 

'yvbaAA^i ^ ^ \ 1 J 


1636-1638.]  Rhode  Island  Founded.  147 

joined  them  in  1638,  and  the  town  was  eventually  called 
Portsmouth. 

Both  communities  at  once  attracted  from  Massachu- 
setts people  who  had  either  been  expelled  from  that 
Newport  colony  or  were  not  in  entire  harmony  with  it, 
established.  ancj  by  c]ose  0f  1638  Providence  contained 
sixty  persons,  and  Portsmouth  nearly  as  many.  The 
next  year  fifty-nine  of  the  Portsmouth  people,  headed  by 
the  chief  magistrate,  Coddington,  dissenting  from  some 
of  Mrs.  Hutchinson’s  “new  heresies,”  withdrew  to  the 
southern  end  of  the  island  and  settled  Newport ; but  the 
two  towns  reunited  in  1640,  under  the  name  of  Rhode 
Island,  with  Coddington  as  governor. 

Each  of  these  colonies,  Providence  and  Rhode  Island, 
was  at  first  an  independent  body  politic.  It  is  interest- 
TheProvi  t0  note  t*ieir  °rig'nal  compacts.  The 

dence  agree-  Providence  agreement  (1636),  signed  by  Roger 
Williams  and  twelve  of  his  sympathizers,  was 
as  follows  : “We  whose  names  are  hereunder,  desirous 
to  inhabit  in  the  Town  of  Providence,  do  promise  to  sub- 
ject ourselves  in  active  or  passive  obedience  to  all  such 
orders  or  agreements  as  shall  be  made  for  the  public 
good  of  the  body,  in  an  orderly  way,  by  the  major  assent 
of  the  present  inhabitants,  masters  of  families,  incorpo- 
rated together  into  a town  fellowship,  and  such  others 
whom  they  shall  admit  unto  them,  only  in  civil  things.” 
Five  freemen,  called  arbitrators,  managed  public  affairs, 
and  for  some  years  there  appear  to  have  been  no  fixed 
rules  for  their  guidance. 

At  Portsmouth  the  people  united  in  the  following  dec- 
laration : “We  do  here  solemnly,  in  the  presence  of 
The  Ports  Jehovah,  incorporate  ourselves  into  a body 
mouth decia-  politic,  and  as  He  shall  help  will  submit  our 
persons,  lives,  and  estates  unto  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  the  King  of  kings  and  Lord  of  lords,  and  to  all 

A y ' \-~ 

(KU-v^  Q_ 


yyis u. 


148 


[Ch.  VI. 


New  England  Colonies. 

those  perfect  and  most  absolute  laws  of  His,  given  us 
in  His  holy  words  of  truth,  to  be  guided  and  judged 
thereby.”  The  freemen  conducted  public  affairs  in  town 
meeting,  with  a secretary,  a clerk,  and  a chief  magistrate. 
Newport  was  similarly  organized  ; but  when  Newport 
and  Portsmouth  reunited,  a more  complex  government 
was  instituted.  A General  Co_u.rt  was  then  established, 
in  which  sat  the  governor,  the  deputy-governor,  and  four 
assistants, — one  town  choosing  the  governor  and  two 
of  the  assistants,  and  the  other  the  deputy-governor  and 
the  remaining  assistants ; the  freemen  composed  the  body 
of  the  court,  and  settled  even  the  most  trivial  cases.  In 
1641  it  was  declared  that  “ it  is  in  the  power  of  the 
body  of  the  freemen  orderly  assembled,  or  the  part  of 
them,  to  make  and  constitute  just  laws  by  which  they 
shall  be  regulated,  and  to  depute  from  among  themselves 
such  ministers  as  shall  see  them  faithfully  executed  be- 
tween man  and  man.”  At  the  same  session  an  order 
was  adopted  “that  none  be  accounted  a delinquent  for 
doctrine,  provided  it  be  not  directly  repugnant  to  the 
government  or  laws  established.” 

By  the  other  colonies  Providence  and  Rhode  Island 
were  deemed  hot-beds  of  anarchy.)  Persons  holding 
An  asylum  Ad  manner  of  Protestant  theological  notions 
for  sectaries,  flocked  thither  in  considerable  numbers,  and 
it  is  true  that  for  many  years  there  were  hot  contentions 
between  them,  often  to  the  disturbance  of  public  order. 
Despite  these  years  of  bickerings,  Providence  and  Rhode 
Island  prospered^ 

Through  the  exertions  of  Roger  Williams,  Providence, 
Portsmouth,  and  Newport,  with  a new  town  called  War- 
Establish-  wick,  were  united  under  one  charter  (1644), 
Providence  as  ^le  c°l°ny  of  Providence  Plantations.  / This 
Plantations,  liberal  document,  issued  by  the  Parliamentary 
Committee  on  the  Colonies,  gave  to  the  inhabitants  along 


1641-1654  ] Toleration  in  Rhode  Island. 


149 


Narragansett  Bay  authority  to  rule  themselves  “ by  such 
form  of  civil  government  as  by  the  voluntary  consent  of 
all  or  the  greatest  part  of  them  shall  be  found  most 
serviceable  to  their  estate  and  condition.”  ) Larger  power 
could  not  have  been  wished  for.  By  a curious  provision, 
adopted  in  1647,  a law  had  to  be  proposed  at  the  General 
Court ; it  was  then  sent  round  to  the  towns  for  the  freemen 
to  pass  upon  it,  thus  giving  the  voters  a voice  in  the  con- 
duct of  affairs,  without  the  necessity  of  attending  court. 

A majority  of  freemen  in  any  one  town  could  defeat  the 
measure.  code  of  laws  resembling  the  common  laws 
of  England,  and  with  few  references  to  biblical  prece- 
dents, passed  safely  through  the  ordeal  in  1647;  one 
important  section  provided  that  “all  men  may  walk  as 
their  conscience  persuades  them.” 

( The  following  year  Coddington,  as  the  head  of  a {ft 
faction,  obtained  a separate  charter  for  Newport  and 
The  Cod-  Portsmouth,  — much  to  the  disgust  of  many  of 
dingtonfac-  the  inhabitants  of  those  as  well  as  of  the  other 
towns.  A bitter  feud  lasted  until  1654,  when 
Williams  once  more  appeared  as  peacemaker  and  se- 
cured the  reunion  of  all  the  towns  under  the  general 
charter  of  1644,  with  himself  as  president.  The  old 
law  code  was  restored.^ 

Rhode  Island  was  founded  by  a religious  outcast,  and 
always  remained  as  an  asylum  for  those  sectaries  who 
Character-  could  find  no  home  elsewhere.  The  purpose 
Rhode ^Is-  was  n°ble,  and  Williams  persisted  in  his  po- 
land.  licy,  despite  the  fact  that  life  was  often  made 

uncomfortable  for  him  by  his  ill-assorted  fellow-colo- 
nists, who  were  continually  bickering  with  each  other. 
Throughout  the  seventeenth  century  Rhode  Island  was 
a hot-bed  of  disorder.  Fanaticism  not  only  expressed 
itself  in  religion,  but  in  politics  and  society;  and  no 
scheme  was  so  wild  as  to  find  no  adherents  in  this  con- 


S 

u fTd' 


[Ch.  VI. 


150 


New  England  Colonies. 


fused  medley.  The  condition  of  the  colony  served  as  a 
warning  to  its  neighbors,  seeming  to  confirm  the  wisdom 
of  their  theocratic  methods. 


61.  Maine  tounded  (1622-1658). 


Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  governor  of  Plymouth  in  Eng- 
land, became  interested  in  New  England,  we  have  seen, 
Sir  Ferdi-  as  early  as  1605.  Ten  years  later  he  assisted 
nando  Gorges.  j0hn  Smith  in  organizing  an  unsuccessful 
voyage  to  the  northern  coast;  in  1620  we  find  him  a 
member  of  the  council  of  the  Plymouth  Company  ; in 
1622  he  and  John  Mason  (not  the  hero  of  the  Pequod 
war),  both  of  them  Churchmen  and  strong  friends  of  the 
king,  obtained  a grant  of  the  country  lying  between  the 
Merrimack  and  Kennebec  Rivers  ; and  it  was  Gorges 
who  sent  out  Maverick  to  settle  on  Noddle’s  Island, 
and  Blackstone  to  hold  the  Boston  peninsula.  Later 
(1629),  Mason  obtained  an  individual  grant  from  the 
Plymouth  Council  of  the  territory  between  the  Merri- 
mack and  the  Piscataqua  (New  Hampshire),  and  Gorges 
that  from  the  Piscataqua  to  the  Kennebec  (Maine);  these 
grants  were  similar  in  character  to  the  charter  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay  Company.  When  the  Plymouth 
Company  threw  up  its  charter  in  1634  and  New  Eng- 
land was  parcelled  out  (1635)  among  the  members  of 
the  council,  Gorges  and  Mason  secured  a confirmation 
of  their  former  personal  grants.  Mason  died  a few 
months  later,  leaving  the  settlements  in  his  tract  to  be 
annexed  to  Massachusetts  in  1641. 

In  April,  1639,  Gorges  obtained  a provincial  charter 
from  the  king,  conferring  upon  him  the  title  of  Lord 
Becomes  Proprietor  of  the  Province  or  County  of  Maine, 
Lord  Pro-  j^jg  extend,  as  before,  from  the 

prietor  ot  77 

Maine.  Kennebec  to  the  Piscataqua,  and  backward 
one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  from  the  coast.  He  re- 


{l-S  e - 1 «- 


ci  tCv 


I622-I65S  ] 


Maine  Founded. 


1 5 1 

ceived  almost  absolute  authority  over  the  people  of  his 
province,  who  were  then  but  three  hundred  in  number. 
Saco,  established  by  him  about  the  year  1623,  was  the 
principal  settlement,  and  contained  one  half  of  the  popu- 
lation ; while  a half-dozen  smaller  hamlets,  chiefly  of 
his  creation,  were  scattered  along  the  neighboring  shore, 
inhabited  by  fishermen,  hunters,  and  traders.  The  greater 
part  of  these  people  were  adherents  of  the  king  and  the 
Established  Church.  Notwithstanding  Gorges’s  long- 
sustained  effort  to  attract  men  of  wealth  to  his  planta- 
tions, the  province  was  not  as  flourishing  as  its  neighbors 
to  the  south. 

Gorges  amused  his  old  age  by  drafting  a cumbrous 
Constitution  for  his  people.  He  was  to  make  laws  in 
...  conjunction  with  the  freemen:  the  laws  of 

His  cum-  J 

brouscon-  England  were  to  prevail  in  cases  not  covered 
stitution.  by  the  statutes  ; the  Church  of  England  was 
to  be  the  State  religion ; all  Englishmen  were  to  be  al- 
lowed fishing  privileges ; the  proprietor  was  to  establish 
manorial  courts  ; and  he  was  also  empowered,  of  his  own 
motion,  to  levy  taxes,  raise  troops,  and  declare  war.  In 
examining  the  official  machinery  which  Gorges  sought  to 
erect  in  Maine,  we  are  reminded  of  Locke’s  constitution 
for  the  Carolinas  ; the  proprietor  was  to  be  represented 
by  a deputy-governor,  under  whom  was  to  be  a long  line 
of  officers  with  high-sounding  titles,  these  to  form  the 
council;  with  them  were  to  meet  the  deputies  selected 
by  the  freeholders.  The  provinces  were  to  be  cut  up 
into  bailiwicks  or  counties,  hundreds,  parishes,  and  ti th- 
ings ; justice  in  each  bailiwick  was  to  be  administered  by 
a lieiiienant  and  eight  magistrates,  the  nominees  of  the 
proprietor  or  his  deputy,  and  under  each  was  a staff  of 
minor  functionaries.  There  were  almost  enough  officers 
provided  for  in  Gorges’s  plan  to  give  every  one  of  his 
subjects  a public  position. 


152 


[Ck.  VI. 


Nczu  England  Colonics. 

The  proprietor  himself  never  visited  America;  he  was 
represented  by  his  son  Thomas  as  deputy-governor. 
The  colony  It  was  impossible  for  the  latter,  however,  to 
neglected.  carry  all  of  his  father’s  plans  into  effect,  and 
gradually  the  province  sank  into  disorder  and  neglect. 
Its  towns  were  finally  absorbed  by  Massachusetts  (1652- 
1658).^ 

The  settlers  brought  out  to  people  Maine  were  the 
servants  of  individuals  or  companies  having  a tract  of  land 
Character-  to  occuP'ecI  and  cultivated,  fisheries  to  con- 
istics  of  duct,  and  fur-trade  to  prosecute.  They  did 
not  come  to  found  a church  or  build  a state, 
and  such  institutions  as  they  developed  were  the  imme- 
diate outcome  of  their  necessities.  They  had  little 
sympathy  or  communication  with  their  neighbors  of 
Massachusetts  and  Plymouth. 


62.  New  Hampshire  founded  (1620-1685). 

We  have  seen  that  John  Mason  was  given  a grant  in 
1629  of  the  country  between  the  Merrimack  and  the 
Origin  of  the  P>scataclua-  1°  h's  scheme  for  colonizing  the 
first  settle-  tract,  Gorges  was  associated  with  him.  But 
ments.  David  Thomson  and  three  Plymouth  fur- 
traders  had  already  gained  a footing  at  Rye  in  1622, 
under  a grant  from  the  Plymouth  Council.  Dover  had 
been  founded  before  1628  by  the  brothers  Hilton,  Puritan 
fish-dealers  in  London;  and  some  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson’s 
adherents,  exiles  from  Massachusetts,  founded  Exeter 
and  Hampton.  In  1630  Neal,  as  colonizing  agent  of 
Mason  and  Gorges,  settled  at  Portsmouth,  on  the  Pis- 
cataqua,  with  a large  party  of  farmers  and  fishermen,  all 
of  them  Church  of  England  men ; and  it  is  probable  that 
this  colony  absorbed  the  neighboring  settlement  at  Rye. 
By  the  time  the  proprietors  dissolved  partnership  in  1635 


1620-16S5.]  New  Hampshire  Founded. 


153 


(page  150),  considerable  property  had  been  accumulated 
by  them  here,  as  in  the  inventory  of  their  possessions  at 
Portsmouth  we  find  twenty-two  cannons,  two  hundred 
and  fifty  small-arms,  forty-eight  fishing-boats,  forty  horses, 
fifty-four  goats,  nearly  two  hundred  sheep,  and  over  a hun- 
dred cattle.  This  argues  a large  establishment.  Upon  the 
death  of  Mason,  later  in  the  year,  the  Piscataqua  colony 
was  left  to  its  own  guidance.  All  of  the  New  Hampshire 
towns  were  from  the  first  independent  communities, 
governed  much  after  the  fashion  of  the  other  English 
towns  to  the  south  of  them. 

The  beginnings  of  New  Hampshire  were  the  results  of 
commercial  enterprise  in  England  and  theological  dissen- 
ch  t signs  in  Massachusetts,  j The  inhabitants  of 
isticsofNew  the  several  towns  had  little  in  common,  and 
Hampshire,  fogpj  different  political  and  religious  views. 
Planted  under  various  auspices,  when  they  grew  to  im- 
portance they  were  the  subject  of  long  struggles  for 
jurisdiction.  It  would  be  tiresome  to  trace  the  history  of 
these  disputes  ; suffice  it  to  say  that  after  many  changes  the 
settlements  on  or  near  the  Piscataqua  were  (1641-1643) 
incorporated  with  Massachusetts,  which  ruled  them  with 
marked  discretion,  and  refrained  from  meddling  with  their 
religious  views.  In  1679,  as  the  result  of  disputes  grow- 
ing out  of  the  revival  of  the  Mason  claim  in  England, 
New  Hampshire  was  turned  into  a royal  province,  but  in 
1685  was  reunited  to  Massachusetts.  As  to  the  charac- 
ter of  the  people  of  New  Hampshire,  what  has  been  said 
in  regard  to  those  of  Maine  may  in  a great  measure  also 
be  applied  to  them. 


154 


Development  of  New  England.  [Ch.  VII. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

NEW  ENGLAND  FROM  1643  TO  1700. 


63.  References. 


Bibliographies  and  Special  Histories.  — Same  as  § 47  ; 
Charming  and  Hart,  Guide , §§  124-128. 

Historical  Maps.  — J.  A.  Doyle,  English  in  America , II.  fron- 
tispiece, p.  153;  III.  frontispiece;  MacCoun,  Historical  Geography. 

General  Accounts.  — Geo.  Bancroft  (last  rev.)  I.  2S9-407,  5 74— 
613;  Bryant  and  Gay,  II.  4S-114,  165-199;  R.  Hildreth,  I.  268-334, 
368-412,  450-508  ; J.  G.  Palfrey,  Compendious  History  of  New  Eng- 
land, I.  269-408,  III.  1-386;  H.  C.  Lodge,  Colonies,  351-362  (Mas- 
sachusetts), 375-380  (Connecticut),  387-392  (Rhode  Island),  398-400 
(New  Hampshire);  J.  A.  Doyle,  English  Colonies,  II.  220-319,  III. 
1-272;  John  Fiske,  Beginnings  of  New  England,  140-278;  R.  P. 
Hallowed,  Quaker  Invasion  of  Massachusetts  ; R.  Frothingham,  Rise 
of  the  Republic,  33-100;  Justin  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical 
History,  as  in  § 47  above. 

Contemporary  Accounts.  — Samuel  Sewall,  Diary  in  Massachu- 
setts Historical  Society , Collections,  series  V.,  vols.  V. -VII.  ; Cotton 
Mather,  Magnalia  ; consult  the  several  Colonial  Records ; records  of 
the  confederation  in  Plymouth  Colony  Records,  IX.,  X. ; Bishop,  New 
England  Judged ; Hubbard,  Trouble  with  the  Indians.  — Reprints 
in  Prince  Society,  Publications  ; Andros  Tracts;  Library  of  American 
Literature,  I.  ; American  History  Leaflets,  Nos.  7,  25,  29  ; American 
History  told  by  Contemporaries,  I.  ch.  xx.,  II. 


64.'>  New  England  Confederation  formed  (1637-1643). 
In  the  preceding  chapter  has  been  sketched  the  origin 
and  planting  of  the  New  England  colonies.  Most  of 
those  colonies  maintained  a separate  existence 
politics  and  had  a history  of  their  own  during  the 
excluded.  rest  of  the  seventeenth  century.  But  the  limits 
of  this  work  do  not  permit  a sketch  of  the  local  and 
internal  history  of  each  colony.  In  this  chapter  will 
therefore  be  considered  only  those  events  of  common 
interest  and  having  a significance  in  the  development  of 
all  the  colonies. 


155 


1637-1642]  Confederation  Formed. 

First  in  time  and  first  in  its  consequences  is  the 
federation  of  the  New  England  colonies,  for  which  in 
„ August,  1637,  the  men  of  Connecticut  made 

makes  over-  overtures  to  the  Massachusetts  General  Court. 
coloniaKede-  Connecticut,  as  an  outpost  of  English  civiliza- 
ration (1637)  tjon  ;n  t]ie  heart  of  the  Indian  country  and 
“ over  against  the  Dutch,”  had  especial  need  of  support 
from  the  older  colonies  to  the  east.  The  tribesmen  were 
uneasy  and  the  menaces  of  the  Dutch  at  New  Amster- 
dam were  especially  alarming.  Twice  had  the  doughty 
Hollanders  endeavored  to  drive  English  settlers  from 
the  Connecticut  valley  and  recover  their  lost  fur-trade 
there;  both  attempts  had  been  failures,  but  it  seemed 
likely  that  in  time  the  Dutch  might  summon  sufficient 
strength  to  make  it  more  difficult  to  withstand  them. 
Again,  the  French,  who  had  settled  at  Quebec  in  [608, 
were  beginning  to  push  the  confines  of  New  France 
southward  ; and  there  had  been  trouble  with  them  at 
various  times  for  several  years,  the  outgrowth  of  bound- 
ary disputes  and  race  hatred.  The  Connecticut  and  Hud- 
son rivers  were  highways  quite  familiar  to  the  French 
Canadians  and  their  Indian  allies,  and  the  Connecticut 
colonists  were  apprehensive  of  partisan  raids  overland 
from  the  north,  which  they  could  not  hope  to  repel 
single-handed. 

The  proposition  for  union  was  renewed  in  1639,  an(3 
again  in  September,  1642.  At  first  Massachusetts  was  in- 
Massachu-  different ; but  finally  “ the  ill  news  we  had  out  ol 
favorabl'e St  England  concerning  the  breach  between  the 
(1642).  king  and  Parliament  ” appears  to  have  caused 
her  statesmen  to  look  favorably  on  the  project.  Affairs 
were  at  such  a pass  in  the  mother-country  that  it  behooved 
Englishmen  in  America  to  be  prepared  to  act  on  the 
defensive  in  the  event  of  the  war-cloud  drifting  in  their 
direction.  Should  the  king  win,  there  was  reason  to 

^ \ YIaasj  v"-'''  v'A ' -b  / (A  0 


156  Development  of  New  England.  [Ch.  VII. 

believe  that  he  would  speedily  turn  his  attention  towards 
the  correction  of  New  England,  which  had  long  been  to 
dissenting  Englishmen  in  the  mother-land  an  object- 
lesson  in  political  independence  and  a ready  refuge  in 
time  of  danger. 

In  May,  1643,  twelve  articles  were  agreed  upon  at 
Boston  between  the  representatives  of  Massachusetts 
Formation  Bayi  PI)'1110111'1!  Connecticut,  and  New  Haven, 
of  tlie  New  Winthrop  tells  us  that  the  representatives 

England  . . 1 . 

Confedera-  “coming  to  consultation  encountered  some 
tlon'  difficulties,  but  being  all  desirous  of  union 

and  studious  of  peace,  they  readily  yielded  each  to  other 
in  such  things  as  tended  to  common  utility.”  Com- 
promises were  the  foundation  of  this  as  well  as  of  later 
American  constitutions. 

The  four  colonies  were  bound  together  by  a formal 
written  constitution,  under  the  name  of  “The  United 
The Consti-  Colonies  of  New  England,”  in  “a  firm  and 
tution.  perpetual  league  of  friendship  and  amity  for 
offence  and  defence,  mutual  advice  and  succor,  upon  all 
just  occasions,  both  for  preserving  and  propagating  the 
truth  and  liberties  of  the  Gospel,  and  for  their  own 
mutual  safety  and  welfare.”  Each  colony  was  allowed  to 
manageTts "Internal  affairs;  but  a body  of  eight  federal 
commissioners,  two  from  each  colony,  and  all  of  them 
church  members,  were  empowered  to  “determine  all 
affairs  of  war  or  peace,  leagues,  aids,  charges,  and  num- 
bers of  men  for  war,  division  of  spoils  and  whatsoever 
was  gotten  by  conquest,  receiving  of  more  confederates 
for  plantations  into  combination  with  any  of  the  confeder- 
ates, and  dll  things  of  like  nature  which  were  the  proper 
concomitants  or  consequents  of  such  a confederation  for 
amity,  offence,  and  defence/)  fox  commissioners  formed 
a working  majority  of  the  board;  but  in  case  of  disagree- 
ment, the  question  at  issue  was  to  be  sent  to  the  legisla- 


1643-1660.]  Massachusetts  in  Control.  157 

tures  of  the  several  colonies  for  decision)  War  expenses 
were  to  be  levied  against  each  colony  in  proportion  to  its 
male  population  between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  sixty. 
The  board  was  to  meet  at  least  once  a year,  and  oftener 
when  necessary.  The  president  of  the  commissioners, 
chosen  from  their  own  number,  was  to  be  “invested  with 
no  power  or  respect  ” except  that  of  a presiding  officer. 


65.  ' Workings  of  the  Confederation  (1643-1660). 

The  league  which  it  represented  is  “ interesting  as  the 
first  American  experiment  in  federation;”  but  it  had  one 
fertile  source  of  weakness.  There  were  in  the 
of  represen-  four  colonies  represented  an  aggregate  popula- 
tanon.  tion  of  about  twenty-four  thousand,  of  which 
Massachusetts  contained  fifteen  thousand,  the  other  three 
having  not  more  than  three  thousand  each.  In  case  of 
war  Massachusetts  agreed  to  send  one  hundred  men  for 
every  forty-five  furnished  by  each  of  her  colleagues.  In 
two  ways  she  bore  the  heaviest  burden,  — in  the  number 
of  men  sent  to  war,  and  in  the  amount  of  taxes  levied 
therefor.  As  each  colony  was  to  have  an  equal  vote  in 
the  conduct  of  the  league,  Massachusetts  was  placed  at  a 
disadvantage.  She  frequently  endeavored  to  exercise 
larger  power  than  was  allowed  her  under  the  articles ; 
thus  arousing  the  enmity  of  the  smaller  colonies,  and 
endangering  the  existence  of  the  union. 

Nevertheless,  during  the  twenty  years  in  which  the  con- 
federation was  the  strongest  political  power  on  the  conti- 
, nent  of  North  America,  Massachusetts  main- 
setts  in  tained  control  of  its  general  policy.  Maine 
and  the  settlements  along  Narragansett  Bay  in 
vain  made  application  to  join  the  confederation.  It  was 
objected  that  public  order  was  not  established  in  Rhode 
Island,  and  moreover  the  oath  taken  by  the  freemen 

, L-r  ’ / 


158  Development  of  New  England.  [Ch.  VII. 

there  bespoke  fealty  to  the  English  king.  As  for  Maine, 
its  proprietor,  Gorges,  was  enlisted  on  the  side  of  the 
monarch,  and  the  political  system  in  vogue  in  his  province 
differed  from  that  in  the  other  colonies. 

The  board  was  little  more  than  a committee  of  public 
safety  ; it  acted  upon  the  colonial  legislatures,  and  not  on 
Nature  of  the  individual  colonists,  and  had  no  power  to 
Commis-do£  enf°rce  its  decrees.  One  of  its  early  interests 
sioners.  was  the  building  up  of  Harvard  College  ; and 
at  its  request  there  was  taken  up,  throughout  the  four 
colonies,  a contribution  of  “ corn  for  the  poor  scholars  in 
Cambridge.” 

In  the  articles  of  confederation  there  was  no  reference 
whatever  to  the  home  government.  The  New  Eng- 
Local  inde-  landers  had  taken  charge  of  their  own  affairs, 
peeaterCth  apparently  without  a thought  of  the  supremacy 
national  a"  of  either  king  or  parliament.  The  spirit  of 
patriotism.  ]ocai  independence  among  these  people  was 
greater  than  national  patriotism.  With  Laud  in  prison 
and  the  king  an  outcast,  there  could  be  no  interference 
from  that  quarter,  and  Parliament  was  too  busy  just  then 
to  give  much  thought  to  the  doings  of  the  distant  Amer- 
ican colonists.  In  November  (1643)  Parliament  insti- 
tuted a commission  for  the  government  of  the  colonies, 
with  the  Earl  of  Warwick  at  its  head ; but  it  was  of  small 
avail  so  far  as  New  England  was  concerned. 

Massachusetts  was  ever  in  an  attitude  of  jealousy 
towards  even  a suspicion  of  interference  from  England. 
Jealousy  of  In  1644  the  General  Court  voted  that  any 
from£EngCe  one  attempting  to  raise  soldiers  for  the  king 
land.  should  be  “ accounted  as  an  offender  of  an 

high  nature  against  this  commonwealth,  and  to  be  pro- 
ceeded with,  either  capitally  or  otherwise,  according  to 
the  quality  and  degree  of  his  offence.”  The  colony  was, 
however,  no  more  for  the  Commons  than  for  the  king. 


1643-1653  ] Workings  of  the  Confederation.  159 

When,  in  1651,  Parliament  desired  that  Massachusetts 
surrender  her  charter  granted  by  King  Charles  and  re- 
ceive a new  one  at  its  hands,  for  a year  no  notice  was 
taken  of  the  command  ; when  at  last  England  had  a war 
with  Holland  on  her  hands,  the  Massachusetts  men 
evasively  replied  that  they  were  quite  satisfied  “ to  live 
under  the  government  of  a governor  and  magistrates  of 
their  own  choosing  and  under  laws  of  their  own  making.” 
(The  General  Court  was  also  bold  enough  to  establish  a 
colonial  mint  (1652),  and  for  thirty  years  coined  “ pine- 
tree  shillings,”  in  the  face  of  all  objections.  In  1653 
Cromwell,  always  a firm  friend  to  New  England,  was 
declared  Lord  Protector ; yet  Massachusetts  did  not 
allow  the  event  to  be  proclaimed  within  her  borders, 
and  when  he  wished  Massachusetts  to  help  him  in  his 
war  against  the  Dutch  by  capturing  New  Amsterdam,  the 
colonial  court  somewhat  haughtily  “ gave  liberty  to  his 
Highness’s  commissioners  ” to  raise  volunteers  in  her 
territory.  At  the  Restoration  it  was  not  until  warning 
came  from  friends  in  England,  that  Charles  II.  was  pro- 
claimed in  New  England. 

66.  Disturbances  in  Rhode  Island  (1641-1647). 

Over  on  Narragansett  Bay  the  public  peace  continued 
to  be  disturbed  by  factious  disputations.  Because  of 
. the  freedom  there  generously  offered  to  all 

The  sectaries  & J 

on  Narra-  men,  the  settlements  of  Rhode  Island  and 
gansett  Bay.  proyjjgnQg  were  the  harboring-place  for  dis- 
senters of  every  class,  who  for  the  most  part  had  been 
ordered  to  leave  the  other  colonies.  Many  of  these  per- 
sons were  of  the  Baptist^  faith,  or  held  other  theological 
views  which  would  be  considered  sober  enough  in  our 
day;  but  among  them  were  numerous  rank  fanatics,  whom 
no  well-ordered  society  was  calculated  to  please. 


i6o  Development  of  New  England.  [Ch.  VII, 

Some  of  Roger  Williams’s  adherents  had  built  Paw- 
tuxet.  To  them  came  a band  of  fanatics,  headed  by 
The  case  of  Samuel.  Gorton,  described  by  his  orthodox 
Gorton.  neighbors  as  “a  proud  and  pestilent  seducer,” 
of  “ insolent  and  riotous  carriage,”  but  who  was  by 
no  means  so  black  as  they  painted  him.  The  Paw- 
tuxet  settlers  asked  Massachusetts  (1641)  “of  gentle 
courtesy  and  for  the  preservation  of  humanity  and 
mankind,”  to  “lend  a neighbor-like  helping  hand  ” and 
relieve  them  of  the  disturber.  At  the  same  time  they 
secured  the  annexation  of  their  town  to  Massachusetts, 
so  that  it  might  be  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  latter. 
Gorton  and  nine  of  his  followers  were  taken  as  prisoners 
to  Boston  (1643),  where  they  were  convicted  of  blas- 
phemy, and  after  four  or  five  months  at  hard  labor  were 
released,  with  threats  of  death  if  they  did  not  at  once 
depart  from  Massachusetts  soil. 

Gorton  went  to  England  (1646)  and  appealed  to  the 
parliamentary  commissioners,  who  declared  that  he 
might  “ freely  and  quietly  live  and  plant”  upon  his  land 
which  he  had  purchased  from  the  Indians  at  Shawomet 
(Warwick),  on  the  western  shore  of  Narragansett  Bay. 
Edward  Winslow  of  Plymouth  was  now  sent  over  (1647)  to 
represent  Massachusetts  in  the  Gorton  case;  and  through 
him  the  plea  was  entered  that  the  commissioners,  being 
far  distant  from  America,  should  not  undertake  the  de- 
cision of  appeals  from  the  colonies ; and  moreover,  that 
the  Massachusetts  charter  was  an  “absolute  power  of 
government.”  The  commissioners,  in  return,  protested 
that  they  “ intended  not  to  encourage  any  appeals  from 
your  justice;”  nevertheless,  they  “commanded”  the 
General  Court  to  allow  Gorton  and  his  followers  to  dwell 
in  peace;  but  “if  they  shall  be  faulty,  we  leave  them  to 
be  proceeded  with  according  to  justice.”  The_offender 
was  allowed  to  return,  but  his  presence  was  haughtily 


1641-1647  ] Troubles  in  Rhode  Island. 


161 

ignored;  and  when  his  settlement  was  threatened  by 
Indians,  he  cited  in  vain  the  parliamentary  order  as  a 
warrant  for  assistance. 


67.  iPolicy  of  the  Confederation  (1646-1660). 

The  sturdy  and  independent  spirit  of  the  colonists  was 
expressed  in  words  as  well  as  in  deeds.  While  Winslow 
_ . was  thus  representing  the  colonists  in  England 

Expressions  1 ° , 

of  indepen-  he  made  his  famous  reply  to  those  who  were 
disposed  to  criticise  the  formation  of  the  New 
England  confederacy  as  a presumptuous  assertion  of 
independence  : “ If  we  in  America  should  forbear  to 
unite  for  offence  and  defence  against  a common  ertfemy 
till  we  have  leave  from  England,  our  throats  might  be  all 
cut  before  the  messenger  would  be  half  seas  through.” 

' A similar  impatience  of  authority  from  England  was  ex- 
pressed by  Governor  John  Winthrop.  An  opinion  which 
he  delivered  about  this  time  betokened  the  proud  and  in- 
dependent attitude  of  Massachusetts,  and  was  prophetic 
of  the  spirit  of  the  Revolution.  By  a legal  fiction,  when 
the  king  granted  land  in  America  it  was  held  as  being  in 
the  mmor  of  East  Greenwich.  It  was  said  that  the 
American  colonists  were  represented  in  that  body  by 
the  member  returned  from  the  borough  containing  this 
manor,  and  were  therefore  subject  to  Parliament.  'Win- 
throp held,  however,  that  the  supreme  law  in  the  colonies 
was  the  common  weal,  and  should  parliamentary  author- 
ity endanger  the  welfare  of  the~co!onists,  then  they  would 
bejustffied  in  ignoring  that  authority. 

Religious  liberty  was  quite  as  dear  to  the  New  Eng- 
land people  as  political  liberty.  In  1645,  under  Scottish 
The  Pres-  influence,  Presbyterianism  was  established  by 
bytenans.  Act  0f  Parliament  as  the  state  religion  of 
England.  Massachusetts  was,  however,  stoutly  Inde- 
11 


1 62  Development  of  New  England.  [Ch.  VIT. 

pendent,  and  furnished  some  of  the  chief  champions  for 
that  faith  during  the  great  controversy  which  was  then 
raging  between  the  two  sects  on  both  sides  of  the  water. 
A number  of  Massachusetts  Presbyterians  sought  (1646) 
to  induce  the  home  government  to  settle  churches  of 
their  faith  in  the  colonies,  and  to  secure  the  franchise  to 
all,  regardless  of  religious  affiliation  ; but  before  they 
reached  England  to  state  their  case  the  Independents 
were  again  in  the  ascendent,  and  the  Puritan  theocracy  in 
Massachusetts  was  undisturbed.  Two  years  later  (1648) 
a synod  of  churches  was  held  at  Cambridge,  at  which 
was  formulated  a church  discipline  familiarly  styled  “the 
Cambridge  platform.”  In  it  the  Westminster  Confes- 
sion was  approved,  the  powers  of  the^'clergy  defined, 
the  civil  power  invoked  to  “ coerce  ” churches  which 
should  “ walk  incorrigibly  or  obstinately  in  any  corrupt 
way  of  their  own,”  and  the  term  “Congregational”  estab- 
lished, to  distinguish  New  England  orthodoxy  from  “those 
corrupt  sects  and  heresies  which  showed  themselves 
under  the  vast  title  of  Independency. ”j  In  1649  this  plat- 
form  was  laid  by  the  General  Court  before  the  several 
congregations,  and  two  years  later  it  was  formally 
agreed  to. 

It  was  hardly  to  be  supposed  that  a people  so  little 
inclined  to  acknowledge  the  rights  of  England  should 
Encroach-  treat  with  greater  respect  those  of  Holland; 
Dutch  pos"  and  indeed  they  had  the  countenance  of  the 
sessions.  home  government  in  encroachments  upon  the 
Dutch  colonies.  In  1642  Boswell,  who  represented 
England  at  the  Hague,  advised  his  fellow-countrymen  in 
New  England  to  “ put  forward  their  plantations  and 
crowd  on,  crowding  the  Dutch  out  of  those  places  where 
they  have  occupied.” 

The  New  Englanders  were  not  slow  to  adopt  this 
aggressive  policy.  Settlements  were  pushed  out  west- 


1646-1652.]  Presbyterianism  and  the  Dutch.  163 


ward  from  New  Haven  on  the  mainland,  and  southward 
on  Long  Island.  ' Peter  Stuyvesant,  then  governor  of 
New  Netherland,  bitterly  complained  of  these  encroach- 
ments,— for  the  Dutch  then  claimed  everything  between 
the  Connecticut  and  Delaware  rivers,  — and  appealed  to 
the  federal  commissioners  to  put  a stop  to  them  ; but  the 
answer  came  that  the  Dutch  were  selling  arms  and 
ammunition  to  the  Indians,  that  their  conduct  was  not 
conducive  to  peace,  that  they  harbored  criminals  from 
thtTEnglish  colonies,  and  that  the  United  Colonies  pro- 
posed to  “ vindicate  the  English  rights  by  all  suitable 
and  just  means.”  Stuyvesant,  who  was  a hot-headed 
man,  would  have  liked  to  go  to  war  with  the  New  Eng- 
landers, but  was  informed  by  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company  that  war  “ cannot  in  any  event  be  to  our  ad- 
vantage : the  New  England  people  are  too  powerful  for 
us.”  The  matter  was  finally  (1651)  left  to  arbitrators, 
who  settled  a provisional  boundary  line  which  “on  the 
mainland  was  not  to  come  within  ten  mi  ms  of  the  Hud- 
son River,”  and  which  gave  to  Connecticut  the  greater 
part  of  Long  Island. 

War  broke  out  between  England  and  Holland  in  1652,- 
and  the  Connecticut  people  were  anxious  to  attack  New 
Weakness  of  Netherland,  which  had  not  ceased  its  depre- 
theconfed-  dations  on  the  outiving  settlements.  All  of 
the  Dutch  the  federal  commissioners  except  those  from 
War-  Massachusetts  voted  to  go  to  war  ; there  was 

a stormy  session  of  the  federal  court,  in  which  Massa- 
chusetts endeavored  in  vain  to  override  the  other  col- 
onies. Connecticut  and  New  Haven  applied  to  Cromwell 
for  assistance.  He  sent  over  a fleet  to  Boston,  with 
injunctions  to  Massachusetts  to  cease  her  opposition. 
The  General  Court  stoutly  refused  to  raise  troops  for  the 
enterprise,  although  it  gave  to  the  agents  of  Cromwell 
the  privilege  of  enlisting  five  hundred  volunteers  in  the 


1 04  Development  of  New  England.  [Ch.  vii 

colony  if  they  could.  But  while  arrangements  were  in 
progress  for  an  attack  by  eight  hundred  men  on  New 
Amsterdam,  news  came  that  England  and  Holland  had 
proclaimed  peace  (April  5,  1654),  and  warlike  prepara- 
tions in  America  ceased. 

(The  weakness  of  the  New  England  confederation  was 
evident  in  domestic  affairs  as  well  as  in  foreign  wars.} 
Massaclm-  Massachusetts  was  frequently  in  collision  with 
sctf-s  in  col-  the  commissioners.  An  instance  occurred  as 
the  commis-  early  as  1642-1643,  when  trouble  broke  out 
sioners.  with  the  Narragansetts.  who  were  friends  and 
allies  of  the  disturber  Gorton  at  Shawomet.  Massachu- 
setts refused  to  sanction  hostilities  ; nevertheless  the 
commissioners  despatched  a federal  force  against  the 
Indians  ; but  the  expedition  proved  futile,  owing  to  lack 
of  support  from  the  chief  colony. 

Saybrook,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut  River,  was 
purchased  by  the  Connecticut  federation  in  1644.  In 
,,  . order  to  compensate  herself,  Connecticut  levied 

Contention  r 

between  toll  on  every  vessel  passing  up  the  river. 
andMa'ssa-  Massachusetts  owned  the  valley  town  of 
chusetts.  Springfield,  and  entered  complaint  before  the 
commissioners  (1647)  that  Connecticut  had  no  right  to 
tax  Massachusetts  vessels  trading  with  a Massachusetts 
town.  (Two  years  later  (1649)  the  commissioners  de- 
cided in  favor  of  Connecticut  ; whereupon  Massachusetts 
levied  both  export  and  import  duties  at  Boston  designed 
to  hamper  the  trade  of  her  sister  colonies  ; at  the  same 
time  she  demanded  that  because  of  her  greater  size  she 
be  allowed  three  commissioners,  and  insisted  that  the 
power  of  the  federal  body  be  reduced,/  This  action 
created  great  hostility,  and  threatened  at  one  time  to 
break  up  the  union.  By  1654  the  contention  had  been 
allowed  to  drop  on  both  sides,  and  duties  on  intercolo- 
nial trade  ceased.  . 

77  Ctrvvv uaD' 

jJL  <f7-c.  (H  / £»  Lt"  1 ' 


1655.] 


The  Quakers. 


1 6 = 


68.  Repression  of  the  Quakers  (1656-1660). 

( During  the  remainder  of  the  Commonwealth  period 
the  most  serious  question  which  arose  in  New  England 
_ was  what  to  do  with  the  Quakers.  ! In  the  the- 

Treatment  ~ 

of  the  ocracy  ot  the  seventeenth  century  the  atti- 
Quakers.  tude  0f  the  sect  was  both  theologically  and 
politically  well  calculated  to  arouse  hostility.  They 
would  strip  all  formalities  from  religion,  they  would  rec- 
ognize no  priestly  class,  they  would  not  take  up  arms  in 
the  common  defence,  would  pay  no  tithes  and  take  no 
oath  of  allegiance,  they  doubted  the  efficacy  of  baptism, 
had  no  veneration  for  the  Sabbath,  and  had  a large  re- 
spect for  the  right  of  individual  judgment  in  spiritual 
matters.  They  were  aggressive  and  stubborn,  and, 
goaded  on  by  persecution,  broke  out  into  fantastic  dis- 
plays of  opposition  to  the  State  religion.  In  England 
four  thousand  of  them  were  in  jail  at  one  time.  When 
Anne  Austin  and  Mary  Fisher  arrived  in  Boston  (1656) 
from  England,  by  way  of  the  Barbados,  as  a van- 
guard of  the  Quaker  missionary  army,  the  colonial  au- 
thorities were  aghast  with  horror.  The  adventurous 
women  were  shipped  back  to  the  Barbadoes,  and  a law 
was  enacted  against  “ all  Quakers,  Ranters,  and  other 
notorious  heretics,”  providing  for  their  flogging  and 
imprisonment  at  hard  labor.  (Despite  this  harsh  treat- 
ment, the  Quakers  continued  to  arrive.  ) Roger  Williams 
said,  when  applied  to  by  Massachusetts  tonarry  them 
out  of  Rhode  Island:  where  they  are  “ most  of  jdl_  suf- 
fered to  declare  themselves  freely,  and  only  opposed  by 
arguments  in  discourse,  there  they  least  of  all  desire  to 
come.  . . ~.  They  are  likely  to  gain  more  followers  by 
the” conceit  of  their  patient  sufferings  than  by  consent  to 
their  pernicious  sayings.”  Nevertheless,  Rhode  Island 
was  and  is  the  stronghold  of  the  Friends  in  New 
England. 


1 66  Development  of  New  England.  [Ch.  VII. 

In  16^7  it  was  enacted  that  Quakers  who  had  once 
been  sent  away  and  returned,  should  have  their  .ears 
lopped  off,  and  for  the  third  offence  should  have  their 
longues  pierced  with  red-hot  irons.  Banishment  on  pain 
of  death  was  recommended  by  the  federal  commissioners 
in  1658  ; and  in  1659-1660  four  Quakers  lost  their  lives  by 
hanging  on  Boston  Common.  ^ Public  sentiment  revolted 
at  these  spectacles,  and  in  1660  the  Massachusetts^  dejth- 
law  was  repealed,  and  Quakers  were  thereafter  subjected 
to  nothing  worse  than  being  flogged  in  the  several  towns; 
even  this  gradually  ceased,  with  the  growth  of  a more 
humane  spirit.  I11  Connecticut  the  sect  suffered  but 
little,  persecution,  and  in  Rhode  Island  none;  while 
Plymouth  and  New  Haven  were  nearly  as  harsh  in  their 
treatment  as  Massachusetts.) 

The  restoration  of  royalty  in  England  (1660)  began  a 
new  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  colonies.  Their  control 
was  placed  in  the  hands  of  a council  for  the 

New  Eng-  . — ; . — 

land  in  the  plantations,  and  twelve  privy  councillors  were 
council* for6  designated  to  take  New  England  in  charge, 
the  planta-  The  Quakers  had  seized  the  opportunity  of 
gaining  an  early  hearing  from  the  new  king, 
who  was  charitably  disposed  towards  them.  In  its  ad- 
dress to  Charles,  the  Massachusetts  court  expatiated  on 
the  factious  spirit  of  the  Quakers;  but  the  king  replied 
that  while  he  meant  well  by  the  colonies,  he  desired  that 
hereafter  the  Quakers  be  sent  to  England  for  trial,  — a 
desire  which  was  as  a matter  of  course  disregarded. 

69.  Royal  Commission  (1660-1664). 

It  is  not  surprising  that  the  king  was  disposed  to  look 
with  suspicion  upon  the  men  of  New  England.  ( He  had 
been  told  that  the  confederacy  was  “a  war  combination 
made  by_Jhe  four  colonies  when  they  had  a design  to 
throw  off  their  dependence  on  England,  and  for  that  pur- 


1657-1664-]  Royal  Commission. 


1 67 


pose.”  The  New  Englanders,  too,  had  been  ^somewhat 
slow  to  proclaim  his  ascendancy;  while  two  of  the  judges 
The  king  who  sentenced  his  father  to  death,  Goffe 
suspects  and  Whaliey,  were  screened  from  royal  justice 
land’s  ° by  the  people  of  New  Haven,  and  afterwards 
loyalty.  by  those  of  Hadley,  a Massachusetts  town  in 

the  Connecticut  valley.  Massachusetts  had  been  bold 
enough  when  the  home  government  was  so  distracted  by 
other  affairs  as  to  render  attention  to  the  colonies  imprac- 
ticable; now  that  Charles  appeared  to  be  turning  his  atten- 
tion to  America  a more  politic  course  was  pursued.  Simon 
Bradstreet,  a leading  layman,  and  John  Norton,  promi- 
nent among  the  ministers,  were  sent  to  England  to  make 
peace  with  the  Crown,  and  soon  returned  (1662)  with  a 
gracious  answer,  which,  however,  was  coupled  with  an 
order  to  the  court  to  grant  all  “ freeholders  of.  compe- 
tent estate  ” the  right  of  suffrage  and  office-holding, 
‘•without  reference  to  their  opinion  or  profession,”  to 
allow  the  Church  of  England  to  hold  services,  to  ad- 
minister justice  in  the  name  of  the  king,  and  to  compel 
all  inhabitants  to  swear  allegiance  to  him.  The  court 
decreed  that  legal  papers  should  thereafter  run  "in  the 
king’s  name;  but  all  other  matters  in  the  royal  mandate 
were  referred  to  a committee  which  failed  to  report  upon 
them. 

Affairs  now  went  on  peacefully  enough  in  Massachu- 
setts until  1664.  In  that  year  the  king  sent  over  four 
Arrival  of  royal  commissioners  to  look  after  the  colonies, 
royal  com-  among  them  being  Samuel  Maverick,  one  of 

missioners.  . „ . . . . , . . . 

the  rresbytenan  petitioners  who  had  made 
trouble  for  the  New  Englanders  a few  years  before. 
These  commissioners  were  required  “ to  dispose  the 
people  to  an  entire  submission  and  obedience  to  the 
king’s  government;”  also  to  feel  the  public  pulse  in 
Massachusetts,  in  order  to  see  whether  the  Crown  might 


1 68  Development  of  Nczv  England.  [Ch.  VII. 

not  judiciously  assume  to  appoint  a governor  for  that 
colony.  They  arrived  at  Boston  in  July  with  two  ships- 
of-war  and  four  hundred  troops.  Obtaining  help  from 
Connecticut,  the  expedition  proceeded  to  New  Amster- 
dam and  easily  conquered  that  port  from  the  Dutch. 
During  the  months  the  commissioners  were  at  Boston 
they  were  engaged  in  a prolonged  quarrel  with  the 
Massachusetts  men,  who  claimed  that  their  charter 
allowed  them  to  govern  themselves  after  their  own 
fashion,  without  interference  from  a royal  commission. 
The  court  was  persistently  importuned  to  give  a plain 
answer  to  the  king’s  demands  sent  out  in  1662  ; but 
nothing  satisfactory  could  be  obtained,  and  the  commis- 
sioners were  obliged  to  return  without  having  accom- 
plished  their  mission./  The  Dutch  war  against  England 
was  now  going  on,  and  political  affairs  at  home  were 
unquiet.  A policy  of  delay  had  been  profitable  for 
Massachusetts/^ 

In  the  other  colonies  of  New  England  better  treatment 
had  been  accorded  the  commissioners.  , Connecticut  had 
Treatment  of  sent  over  her  governor,  the  younger  Winthrop, 
Connecticut,  t0  represent  her  at  court.j  He  was  well  re- 
ceived there,  being  a man  of  scholarly  tastes  and  pleas- 
ing manner;  the  king  was  the  more  disposed  to  favor  him 
because  by  helping  Connecticut  a rival  to  Massachusetts 
would  be  built  up.  (A  liberal  charter  was  granted  to  his 
colony,  and  New  Haven  — disliked  by  Charles  for  having 
harbored  the  regicides  — was  now,  despite  her  protest, 
and  of  annexed  to  her  sister  colony^  Rhode  Island, 

Rhode  too,  was  benefited  by  the  royal  favor,  and  re- 

ceived a charter  making  it  a separate  colony?) 
Doubtless  the  fact  that  the  people  of  Narragansett  Bay 
had  been  shut  out  from  the  New  England  confederacy 
had  inclined  the  king  to  look  kindly  upon  them.  For 
these  reasons  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  had  re- 


1662-16S4]  Prosperity.  169 

ceived  the  commissioners  with  consideration,  while  weak 
Plymouth  was  also  praised  for  her  ready  obedience. 

The  suppression  of  New  Haven  by  the  king,  and  the 
practical  victory  of  the  Quakers  over  the  theocratic  policy 
Decadence  of  Massachusetts,  were  staggering^  blows  to 
confedera-  ^ie  confederation.  The  federal  commissioners 
tion.  held  triennial  meetings  thereafter  until  1684, 

when  the  Massachusetts  charter  was  revoked;  but  its 
proceedings,  except  during  King  Philip’s  war,  were  of 
little  importance. 

(The  period  of  the  decadence  of  the  confederation,  how- 
ever, was  in  the  main  one  of  prosperity  for  New  Eng- 
A prosper-  landy  Emigration  to  America  had  almost  wholly 
ous  period.  ceased  after  1640,  with  the  rise  of  the  Puritans 
in  England  ; but  the  restoration  of  the  Stuarts  and  the 
passage  of  the  Act  of  Uniformity,  with  its  accompanying 
persecutions,  caused  a renewal  of  the  departure  of  Dis- 
senters, and  the  movement  included  many,  both  laymen 
and  clericals,  of  eminent  ability.  New  industries  were 
introduced,  commerce  grew,  the  area  of  settlement  ex- 
tended, and  wealth  increased. 

But  the  accretion  of  wealth  and  the  passage  of  time 
brought  changes  in  the  attitude  towards  England  that 
Change  of  threatened  in  a measure  to  counteract  the  quiet 
wardsEng-  struggle  for  independence  which  had  been 
land.  going  on  for  nearly  half  a century.  A second 

generation  of  Americans  had  come  upon  the  stage,  with 
but  a traditional  knowledge  of  the  tyrannies  practised 
upon  their  fathers  in  the  old  country.  Larger  wealth 
secured  greater  leisure,  which  resulted  in  a cultivation  of 
the  graceful  arts,  with  a Softening  of  the  austere  manners 
and  thinking  of  the  first  emigrants.  There  was  now' 
manifest  a desire  on  the  part  of  many  members  of  the 
upper  class  to  bring  about  closer  relations  with  the  Old 
World,  with  its  fine  manners,  its  aristocracy,  and  its 


170  Development  of  New  England.  [Ch.  VII. 

historic  associations.  Opposition  to  England  began  to 
give  place  to  imitation  of  England  ; colonial  life  had 
entered  the  provincial  stage.  Two  parties  had  by  this 
time  sprung  up,  although  as  yet  without  organization,  — 
qne_desiring  to  conciliate  England,  the  other  standing  for 
independence  in  everything  except  in  name.  Thus  far 
none  had  ventured  to  think  of  the  possibility  of  dissolving 
all  political  connection  with  the  mother  land. 

70.  Indian  Wars  (1660-1678). 

The  Indian  policy  of  the  New  Englanders  was  more 
humane  than  that  adopted  in  any  of  the  other  colonies 
Indian  except  Pennsylvania.  Compensation  had  been 
New^Eng-  granted  to  the  savages  for  lands  taken,  firm 
land  friendships  had  been  formed  between  some 

of  the  chiefs  and  the  whites,  and  the  missionary  enter- 
prises among  the  red-men  were  conducted  on  a large 
scale  and  with  much  zeal.  Martha’s  Vineyard,  Cape  Cod, 
and  the  country  round  about  Boston  were  the  centres  of 
proselytism  ; the  “ praying  Indians”  were  gathered  into 
village  congregations  with  native  teachers,  most  notable 
being  those  under  the  supervision  of  John  Eliot,  “the 
apostle.”  Of  these  converted  Indians  there  were  in  1674 
about  four  thousand ; several  hundred  of  them  were 
taught  a written  language  invented  by  Eliot,  who  success- 
fully undertook  the  monumental  labor  of  translating  the 
Bible  into  it  for  their  benefit. 

Massasoit,  head-chief  of  the  Pokanokets,  had  made  a 
treaty  of  alliance  with  the  Plymouth  colonists  soon  after 
Troubles  their  arrival,  and  kept  it  strictly  until  his  death 
with  Philip.  (1660).  His  two  sons  wereTbhristened  at  Ply- 
mouth as  Alexander  and  Philip.  Alexander  died  (1662) 
at  Plymouth,  where  he  had  gone  to  answer  to  a charge 
of  plotting  with  the  Narragansetts  against  the  whites. 


1660-1675] 


King  Philip's  War.  171 

Philip,  now  chief  sachem,  wrongfully  thinking  his  brother 
to  have  been  poisoned,  was  thereafter  a bitter  enemy  of 
the  dominant  race.  For  twelve  years  there  were  nu- 
merous complaints  against  him,  and  he  was  frequently 
summoned  to  Plymouth  to  make  answer.  He  was  smooth- 
spoken and  fair  of  promise,  but  came  to  be  regarded  as 
an  unsatisfactory  person  with  whom  to  deal.  In  1674  it 
became  evident  that  Philip  was  planning  a general  Indian 
uprising,  to  drive  the  English  out  of  the  land. 

His  territory  was  now  chiefly  confined  to  Mount  Hope, 
— a peninsula  running  into  Narragansett  Bay  ; and  here 
Kin<r  he  “began  to  keep  his  men  in  arms  about 

Philip’s  him,  and  to  gather  strangers  unto  him,  and  to 

march  about  in  arms  towards  the  upper  end 
of  the  neck  on  which  he  lived,  and  near  to  the  English 
houses.”  On  the  twentieth  of  June  a party  of  his  war- 
riors attacked  the  little  town  of  Swanzey,  killing  many 
settlers  and  perpetrating  fiendish  outrages.  War-parties 
from  Mount  Hope  now  quickly  spread  over  the  country, 
joined  by  the  Nipmucks  and  other  tribes.  Throughout 
the  white  settlements  panic  prevailed,  and  several  towns 
in  Massachusetts,  as  far  west  as  the  Connecticut  valley, 
were  scenes  of  heart-rending  tragedies. 

The  Narragansetts  had  played  fast  and  loose  in  this 
struggle,  their  disaffection  growing  with  the  success  of 
the  savage  arms.  It  was  evident  that  unless  crushed, 
they  would  openly  espouse  Philip’s  cause  in  the  coming 
spring,  and  the  danger  be  doubled.  A thousand  volun- 
teers, enlisted  by  the  federal  commissioners,  on  Decem- 
ber 19  attacked  their  palisaded  fortress  in  what  is  now 
South  Kingston.  Two  thousand  warriors,  with  many 
women  and  children,  were  gathered  within  the  walls. 
About  one  thousand  Indians  were  slain  in  the  contest, 
which  was  one  of  the  most  desperate  of  its  kind  ever 
fought  in  America. 


172  Development  of  New  England.  [Ch.  VII. 

The  following  spring  and  summer  Philip  again  made 
bloody  forays  on  the  settlements;  but  he  was  persistently 
attacked,  his  followers  were  scattered,  and  he  was  at  last 
driven,  with  a handful  of  followers,  into  a swamp  on  Mount 
Hope.  Here  (Aug.  12,  1676)  he  was  shot  to  death~by  a 
friendly  Indian,  and  “fell  upon  his  face  in  the  mud  and 
water,  with  his  gun  under  him;  . . . upon  which  the  whole 
army  gave  three  loud  huzzas.”  Hisjhands  and  head 
were  cut  off  and  taken  to  Boston  and  Plymouth  respec- 
tively, in  token  to  the  people  at  home  that  King  Philip's 
war  was  at  an  end,  and  that  thereafter  white  men  were  to 
be  supreme  in  New  England. 

During  the  two  years’  deadly  struggle  the  colonists 
had  been  surfeited  with  horrors,  of  which  the  statistics  of 
The  effect  l°ss  can  convey  but  slight  idea.  Of  the  eighty 
of  the  or  ninety  towns  in  Plymouth  and  Massachu- 
struggie.  setts,  nearly  two-thirds  had  been  harried  by 
the  savages,  — ten  or  twelve  wholly,  and  the  others  par- 
tially destroyed;  while  nearly  six  hundred  fighting  men  — 
about  ten  per  cent  of  the  whole — bad  either  lost  their 
lives  or  had  been  taken  prisoners,  never  to  return.  It 
was  many  years  before  the  heavy  war-debts  of  the  col- 
onies could  be  paid  ; in  Plymouth  the  debt  exceeded 
in  amount  the  value  of  all  the  personal  property. 

The  year  before  Philip  fell  (1675),  trouble  broke  out 
with  the  Indians  to  the  north,  on  the  Piscataqua.  In 
the  summer  of  1678  the  English  of  Maine  felt  themselves 
compelled  to  purchase  peace,  thus  establishing  a pre- 
cedent which  fortunately  has  not  often  been  followed  in 
America.  The  home  government  was  much  annoyed  at 
the  obstinacy  of  the  colonists  in  not  calling  on  it  for  aid 
in  these  two  Indian  wars.  Jealous  of  English  interfer- 
ence, they  preferred  to  fight  their  battles  for  themselves, 
and  thus  to  give_  no  excuse  to  the  king  for  maintaining 
royal  troops  in  New  England. 


1 649- >676.]  Massachusetts  and  the  King. 


173 


71.  Territorial  Disputes  (1649-1685). 

Massachusetts  early  gave  evidence  of  a desire  to  ex- 
tend her  territory.  Disputes  in  regard  to  lands  fre- 
1 quently  gave  rise  to  quarrels  with  the  Indians, 
setts  extends  In  1649  the  strip  of  mainland  along  Long 
her  territory.  js]anq  Sound,  between  the  western  boundary 
of  Rhode  Island  and  Mystic  River,  was  granted  to  her 
by  the  federal  commissioners.  From  1652  to  1658  she 
absorbed  the  settlements  in  Maine,  now  neglected  by  the 
heirs  of  Gorges,  just  as  in  1642-1643  she  had  annexed 
the  New  Hampshire  towns.  The  council  for  foreign 
plantations  had  been  dissolved  in  1675,  an<^  ^ie  manage- 
ment of  colonial  affairs  was  resumed  by  a standing  com- 
mittee of  the  Privy  Council  styled  “the  Lords  of  the 
Committee  of  Trade  and  Plantations.”  At  this  time  the 
Gorges  and  Mason  heirs  renewed  their  respective  claims 
to  Alaine  and  New  Hampshire,  which  they  said  had  been 
wrongfully  swallowed  up  by  Massachusetts. 

Other  complaints  against  the  Bay  Colony,  that  had 
been  allowed  to  slumber  for  some  time,  were  now  revived, 
The  king’s  and  the  Lords  of  Trade,  as  they  were  familiarly 
Mas-  ca^ed)  were  soon  sitting  in  council  upon  the 
sachusetts.  deeds  of  the  obstinate  colony.  The  king’s 
charges  of  early  years  were  again  advanced:  that  the 
Acts  of  Navigation  and  Trade  (page  104)  were  not  being 
observed;  that  ships  from  various  European  countries 
traded  with  Boston  direct,  without  paying  duty  to  Eng- 
land on  their  cargoes  ; that  money  was  being  coined  at 
a colonial  mint ; and  that  Church  of  England  members 
were  denied  the  right  of  suffrage.  Edward  Randolph, 
a relative  of  the  Masons,  was  sent  over  (1676)  to  be  col- 
lector at  the  port  of  Boston,  now  a town  of  five  thousand 
inhabitants,  and  to  investigate  the  colonies.  His  manner 
was  insulting,  and  he  was  rudely  treated  by  the  people, 


174  Development  of  New  England.  [Ch.  VII. 


r K 


who  were  greatly  embittered  against  England  in  conse- 
quence of  his  malicious  reports  to  the  home  government. 

In  JpJS  the  king  erected  New  Hampshire  into  a 
separate  royal  province.  Edward  Cranfield,  a tyrarw+oal 
New  Hamp  man’  became  the  governor  (1682),  but  Ms 
shire  a royal  conduct  drove  the  people  into  insurrection, 
province.  jqe  was  obliged  to  fly  to  the  West  Tmlies 
(1685),  and  in  the  same  year  New  Hampshire  was  reunited 
to  Massachusetts. 

In  1665  the  royal  commissioners  detached  Maine  from 
Massachusetts;  but  three  years  later  (1668)  that  com- 
Massachu-  monwealth  calmly  took  it  back  again.  Gorges 
chases'^"  was  inclined  to  make  trouble,  and  agents  of 
Maine.  Massachusetts  quietly  purchased  his  claim 
(1677)  for  .£1,250.  The  skilful  manoeuvre  excited  the 
displeasure  of  the  king,  who  had  intended  himself  to 
buy  out  the  claims  of  Gorges,  in  order  to  erect  Maine 
into  a proprietary  province  for  his  reputed  son,  the  Duke 
of  Monmouth.  The  company  of  Massachusetts  Bay  now 
governed  Maine  under  the  Gorges  charter  as  lord  pro- 
prietor, and  did  not  make  it  a part  of  the  Massachusetts 
colony. 

72.  Revocation  of  the  Charters  (1679-1687). 

It  was  two  years  later  (1679)  before  Charles  was 
ready  again  to  make  a movement  upon  Massachusetts. 
The  Massa-  He  demanded  that  Maine  should  be  delivered 
charte^an-  UP  to  the  Crown,  on  repayment  of  the  pur- 
nulled.  chase  money,  and  also~7EaF~51I  other  com- 
plaints should  at  once  be  satisfied.  The  General  Court 
gave  an  evasive  answer,  and  adopted  its  usual  method 
of  sending  over  agents  to  ward  off  hostilities  by  a policy 
of  delay.  But  in  1684  the  blow  came:  a writ  of  quo 
warranto  was  issued  against  the  simple  trading  charter 
under  which  Massachusetts  had  so  long  been  permitted 


*-  O-' 


(Y  'i  * 


175 


16-9-16SS.]  The  Rule  of  Andros. 

to  grow  and  prosper ; the  charter  was  held  to  be  an- 
nulled, and  the  colony  now  became  a royal  possession. 

With  the  death  of  Charles  II.  (1685),  James  II.  came 
to  the  English  throne.  As  a Roman  Catholic,  and  im- 
Amvai  of  bued  with  a taste  for  absolute  power,  the 
Andros.  colonies  had  little  favor  to  expect  from  him. 

In  1686,  as  a step  towards  abolishing  the  American 
charters,  James  sent  over  Sir  Edmund  Andros  as  gov- 
ernor of  Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  New  Hampshire,  and 
Maine;  he  brought  authority  to  ignore  all  local  political 
machinery  and  to  govern  the  country  through  a council, 
the  president  of  which  was  Joseph  Dudley,  the  unpop- 
ular Tory  son  of  the  stern  old  Puritan  who  had  been 
Winthrop’s  lieutenant.  The  charters  of  Rhode  Island 
and  Connecticut  were  demanded  for  annulment  (1686). 
The  former  colony  was.  as  usual,  obedient,  and  yielded  up 
her  charter  ; Connecticut  failed  to  respond  to  the  de- 
mand of  Andros,  and  he  went  to  Hartford  (October, 
1687)  and  ordered  the  charter  to  be  produced.  A famil- 
iar myth  alleges  that  the  document  was  concealed  from 
him  in  the  hollow  trunk  of  a large  tree,  known  ever  after 
as  the  “ charter  oak  ; ” nevertheless  Andros  arbitrarily 
declared  the  colony  annexed  to  the  other  New  England 
colonies  which  he  governed. 

The  following  year  ( 1 6S8)  Andros  was  also  made  gov- 
ernor of  New  York  and  the  Jerseys,  his  jurisdiction  now 
His  despotic  extending  from  Delaware  Bay  to  the  confines 
rule.  0f  New  France,  with  his  seat  of  government  at 

Boston.  The  government  of  Andros  was  despotic,  and 
fell  heavily  on  a people  who  had  up  to  this  time  been  ac- 
customed to  their  own  way.  Episcopal  services  were  held 
in  the  principal  towns,  and  Congregational  churches  were 
frequently  seized  upon  for  the  purpose  ; the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus  was  suspended;  a censorship  of  the  press  was 
restored,  with  Dudley  as  censor;  excessive  registry  fees 
were  charged ; arbitrary  taxes  were  levied  ; land  grants 


176  Development  of  New  England.  [Ch.  vii. 

made  under  former  administrations  were  annulled  ; pri- 
vate property  was  unsafe  from  governmental  interference  ; 
common  lands  were  enclosed  and  divided  among  the 
friends  of  Andros;  the  General  Court  was  abolished,  and 
most  popular  rights  were  ignored.  (Dudley  tersely  de- 
scribed the  situation  (16S7)  on  the  trial  of  the  Rev.  John 
Wise,  of  Ipswich,  for  heading  a movement  in  that  town 
to  resent  taxation  without  representation  : “ Mr.  Wise,  you 
have  no  more  privileges  left  you  than  not  to  be  sold  for 
slaves.”  3 

73,  Restoration  of  the  Charters  (1689-1692). 

In  April,  16S9,  news  came  of  the  Revolution  in  Eng- 
land, the  flight  of  the  arrogant  James,  and  the  accession 
Andros  of  the  Prince  of  Orange.  The  example  of  re- 
deposed.  volt  was  already  foreshadowed  in  Boston,  where 
' Andros  and  Dudley  were  deposed^  Elsewhere  in  the 
Northern  colonies  the  representatives  of  the  tyrant  ex- 
tortioners were  driven  out.  The  Protestant  sovereigns, 
William  and  Mary,  were  proclaimed  amid  great  popular 
rejoicings. 

The  old  charters  were  restored  for  the  time.  In  Sep- 
tember, 1691,  Plymouth  and  the  newly  acquired  territory 
New  Eng-  of  Acadia  were  united  to  Massachusetts  under 
vvifiiarn^and  3 new  charter,  which  had  been  secured  from 
Mary.  the  king  chiefly  through  the  agency  of  the 

Rev.  Increase  Mather,  of  Boston,  now  influential  in  colo- 
nial politics,  as  were  also  other  members  of  the  Mather 
family.  In  May  following  (1692)  this  new  charter  for 
Massachusetts  was  received  at  Boston.  It  was  not  as 
liberal  as  had  been  hoped.  The  people  were  allowed 
their  representative  assembly  as  before,  but  the  governor 
was  to  be  appointed  by  the  Crown  ; the  religious  quali- 
fication for  suffrage  was  abolished,  a small  property 
qualification  (an  estate  of  £\o  value,  or  a freehold  worth 
£2  a year) being  substituted;  laws  passed  by  the  General 


1689-1700.]  Re-Constitution  of  New  England.  177 

Court  were  subject  to  veto  by  the  king,  — a provision 
fraught  with  danger  to  the  colonists.  Thus  Massachu- 
setts became  a Crown  charter  colony,  — a position  not 
uncomfortable  so  long  as  the  executive  and  the  legisla- 
ture could  agree.  The  first  royal  governor,  Sir  William 
Phipps  (1692-1695),  proved  to  be  popular,  generous,  and 
well-meaning.  He  had  a romantic  history,  but  was  of 
slender  capacity,  and  owed  his  appointment  to  the  favor 
of  his  pastor,  Increase  Mather. . 

Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  received  their  charters 
back  ; New  Hampshire  was  governed  by  its  new  pro- 
prietor, Samuel  Allen,  but  without  a charter;  Maine 
continued  under  Massachusetts,  — the  Bay  Colony  now 
extending  from  Rhode  Island  to  New  Brunswick,  except 
for  the  short  intervening  strip  of  New  Hampshire  coast. 

( It  was  fortunate  for  American  liberty  that  the  scheme 
of  a consolidation  of  the  New  England  colonies  was  put 
forward  by  the  Stuarts  too  late  for  accomplishment.  It 
was  also  fortunate  that  Massachusetts  was  flanked  by  and 
often  competed  with  by  her  neighbors,  Plymouth,  Con- 
necticut, Rhode  Island,  and  New  Hampshire,  who  were 
protected  against  her  by  a jealous  government  in  Eng- 
land, and  that  the  Dutch  cut  off  her  ambitious  territorial 
aspirations  to  the  west.  In  the  separate  colonial  life  was 
sown  the  spirit  of  local  patriotism  which  is  now  embodied 
in  the  American  States^  In  New  England,  as  in  the 
South,  there  was  a leading,  but  never  a dominant,  colony  ; 
the  sjnaller  colonies  scared  the  experiences  of  the  larger, 
but  were  freer  from  calamitous  changes 7 and  enjoyecTTn 
some  respects  governments  which  were  more  immediately 
under  the  control  of  the  people,  j 

The  end  of  the  century  saw  all  the  NewHsngland  colo- 
nies established  on  what  seemed  a permanent  basis  of 
loyalty  to  the  Crown  and  of  local  independence.) 


i/8 


Ch.  VIII. 


New  England. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  CONDITIONS  IN  NEW 
ENGLAND  IN  1700. 


74.  References. 

Bibliographies.  — As  in  § 47,  above;  W.  E.  Foster,  Reference 
Lists , III.  26-28  ; Channing  and  Hart,  Guide,  § 130. 

Historical  Maps.  — As  in  § 47  above. 

General  Accounts. — J.  A.  Doyle,  English  Colonies , III.  377— 
}04  ; H.  C.  Lodge’s  Colonies , 406-475  ; J.  G.  Palfrey,  Compendious 
History  of  New  England , III.  1— iS  ; T.  W.  Higginson,  Larger  His- 
tory of  the  United  States , 192-21 5 ; W.  B.  Weeden,  Economic  and 
Social  History. 

Special  Histories.  — W.  R.  Bliss,  Colonial  Times  on  Buzzard's 
Bay  ; Brooks  Adams,  Emancipation  of  Massachusetts  ; C.  W.  Baird, 
Huguenot  Emigration  to  America,  II.  14S-337  ; Barrett  Wendell, 
Cotton  Mather  and  Stelligeri ; J.  R.  Lowell,  New  England  Two 
Centuries  Ago  (in  Among  my  Books).  — On  slavery:  G.  H.  Moore, 
History  of  Slavery  in  Massachusetts ; American  Antiquarian  Society, 
Proceedings,  IV.  167,  191.  — On  the  witchcraft  delusion:  C.  W. 
Upham,  Salem  Witchcraft ; Bryant  and  Gay,  II.  450-471  ; Geo.  Ban- 
croft (last  rev.),  II.  58-67  ; S.  A.  Drake,  Annals  of  Witchcraft . — On 
the  physical  characteristics  of  New  England,  consult  J.  D.  Whitney, 
United  States,  34-42,  142,  149  ; J.  G.  Palfrey,  I.  19-26;  R.  G.  Boone, 
Education  in  the  United  States,  14-30,  37-53. — Medical  practice: 
O.  W.  Holmes,  Medical  Profession  in  Massachusetts. — Industry: 
J.  L.  Bishop,  History  of  American  Manufactures ; American  Statis- 
tical Association,  Publications,  No.  1. 

Contemporary  Accounts.  — Samuel  Sewall,  Diary  and  Letter 
Books  (see  § 63  above);  Records  of  the  various  colonies;  Cotton 
Mather,  Magnolia.  — Reprints  in  Libary  of  American  Literature, 
11.  ; American  Hi'tory  told  by  Contemporaries , I.  chs.  xiv.,  xxi. ; 
II.;  American  History  Leaflets,  No.  19. 


Ch.  VIII.] 


Geography. 


179 


75.  Land  and  People. 


North  of  Cape  Cod  the  shores  of  New  England  are 
rugged  and  forbidding,  though  the  coast-line  is  indented 
by  numerous  inlets  from  the  sea,  affording  safe 
Geograph} . anc]10rage>  -po  the  south  of  the  cape  there  are 
also  abundant  harbors  ; but  the  mountains  nowhere  ap- 
proach the  shore,  and  the  beach  is  wide,  with  a sand  strip 
extending  for  some  distance  inland,  while  treacherous 
shoals  are  not  uncommon.  The  rivers,  except  those  in 
Maine  and  the  Merrimac  and  the  Connecticut,  are  small, 
and  have  their  sources  in  innumerable  small  la‘kes;  the 
upper  streams  fall  in  successions  of  picturesque  cascades, 
the  water-power  of  which  is  often  profitably  utilized  in 
manufacturing;  and  the  larger  rivers  are  held  back  by 
great  dams,  about  which  have  grown  up  the  manufactur- 
ing towns  of  Manchester,  Nashua,  Lowell,  Lawrence, 
Holyoke,  and  many  others. 

Two  ranges  of  mountains  traverse  New  England  : 


the  Green  Mountains  and  their  continuation,  the  Berk- 
shire Hills,  run  nearly  north  and  south  from  Canada  to 
Connecticut ; the  White  Mountains  form  a group,  rather 
than  a chain,  nearer  the  coast.  In  the  eastern  half  of 
Maine  the  low  watershed  comes  down  to  within  one 
hundred  and  forty  miles  of  the  sea-shore,  and  the  Atlantic- 
coast  region  may  be  said  practically  to  end  there.  The 
highest  elevation  in  the  Appalachian  system  north  of 
North  Carolina  is  Mount  Washington  (six  thousand  two 
hundred  and  ninety  feet),  in  the  White  Mountain  range. 
The  soil  of  New  England  is  for  the  most  part  thin,  and 
interspersed  with  rocks  and  gravel.  ; The  banks  of  some 
of  the  principal  rivers  are  enriched  by  alluvial  deposits 
left  by  overflows  ; there  are  fair  pasturage  lancjs-  in  Ver- 
mont and  New  Hampshire,  vvhile  Maine,  back  from  the 
shore,  has  much  good  soil.  The  New  England  hills  are 


i8o 


New  England.  [Ch.  VIII. 

rich  in  quarries  of  fine  building  stone,)  Their  mineral 
wealth  is  not  great ; iron  and  manganese  have  been  found 
in  considerable  quantities,  toge^herwilh  some  anthracite 
coal,  lead,  and  copper.  (Originally  New  EiiglancTwai’qne 
vast  forest,  and  the  trees  had  to  be  cleared  away  in  order 
to  prepare  the  soil  for  cultivation.)  The  climate  is  subject 
to  rajfid  variations,  being  generally  accounted  superb  in 
the  summer  and  autumn  ; but  the  winters  are  long  and 
severe,  and  the  springs  late  and  brief. 

The  natural  obstacles  to  human  welfare  in  New  Eng- 
land were  great;  but  the  English  settlers  were  men  of 
tough  fibre  and  rare  determination.  They  were  not 
daunted  by  rugged  hills,  gloomy  forest,  harsh  climate, 
and  niggardly  soil.  With  courageous  toil  they  built  up 
thrifty  towns  along  the  narrow  slope,  and  erected  endur- 
ing commonwealths,  in  which  the  English  institutions  to 
which  they  had  been  accustomed  were  reproduced,  and 
often  improved  upon. 

i \ -■  .?■  The  population  of  New  England  in  1700,  by  which 
time  a second  generation  of  Englishmen  had  arisen 
The  popula-  >n  America,  is  roughly  estimated  at  about 
t,on-  a hundred  and  five  thousand  souls,  of  whom 

seventy  thousand  were  in  Massachusetts  and  Maine,  five 
thousand  in  New  Hampshire,  six  thousand  in  Rhode 
Island,'  and  twenty-five  thousand  in  Connecticut,  i The 
people  were  almost  wholly  of  pure  English  stock.)  Up 
3 . to  1640,  when  the  first  great  Puritan  exodus  ceased,  full 

twenty  thousand  English  Dissenters,  mainly  from  the 
eastern  counties  of  England,  came  to  New  England; 
thenceforth  the  population,  says  Palfrey,  “ continued  to 
multiply  on  its  own  soil  for  a century  and  a half,  in 
remarkable  seclusion  from  other  communities.”  During 
this  time  there  was  a small  infusion  of  Normans  from  the 
Channel  Islands,  YVelsh,  Scotch-Irish  (chiefly  in  1652  and 
1719),  and  Huguenots  (1685).  It  is  computed  that  at  the 


ch.  VIII.]  Population  and  Social  Classes.  1 8 1 

opening  of  the  Revolutionary  War  ninety-eight  per  cent 
of  New  England  people  were  English  or  unmixed  des- 
cendants of  Englishmen.  Nowhere  else  in  the  American 
colonies  was  there  so  homogeneous  a population,  or  one 
of  such  uniformly  high  quality.  As  said  Stoughton, 
lieutenant-governor  of  Massachusetts  (1692-1 701):  “God 
sifted  a whole  nation,  that  he  might  send  choice  grain 
over  into  this  wilderness.”  '' 

76.  Social  Classes  and  Professions. 

Social  distinctions  were  almost  as  sharply  drawn  in 
New  England  as  in  the  South.  There  was  a power- 
ful  and  much-respected  aristocratic  class,  be- 
ginning with  the  village  “ squire  ” and  ending 
with  the  Crown  officials  in  the  capital  towns.  (^“  The- 
foundations  of  rank,”  says  Lodge,  “were  birth,  ancestral 
or  individual  service  to  the  State,  ability,  education,  and 
to  some  extent  wealth.”  The  recognized  classes  were, 
in  order  of  precedence,  gentlemen,  yeomen,  merchants, 
and  mechanics  ; and  at  church  the  people  were  puncti- 
liously seated  according  to  station.  Down  to  1772  the 
students  in  Harvard  College  were  carefully  arranged  in 
the  catalogue  in  the  order  of  their  social  rank,  the 
Hutchinsons,  Saltonstalls,  Winthrops,  and  Ouincys  near 
the  head.  (There  was  also  a distinction  between  new- 
comers and  old-comers,  the  “old  family”  class  laying 
some  pretensions  to  social  superiority.)  The  aristocrats 
were  not  men  of  leisure, — everybody  in  New  England 
worked ; but  the  public  offices  and  the  professions  were 
reserved  for  gentlemen.  Now  and  then  some  of  them 
conducted  large  estates,  although  aristocracy  was  not,  as 
in  England,  supported  on  landed  possessions  and  primo- 
geniture. The  force  of  public  opinion  alone  separated 
the  classes  ; with  the  growth  of  the  democratic  idea, 
social  barriers  ultimately  weakened,  although  they  con- 


182 


New  England. 


[Ch.  VIII. 


tinuecl  to  appear  in  the  politics  of  the  commonwealth 
down  to  the  middle  of  the  present  century. 

Slaves  were  comparatively  few  in  number,  the  greater 
part  of  them  being  house  and  body  servants,  and  they 
Slavery  were  not  harshly  treated ; travellers  have  left 
record  of  the  fact  that  some  of  the  humbler 
farmers  ate  at  table  with  their  human  chattels.  The  race 
was,  however,  generally  despised,  and  in  one  of  the  old 
churches  in  Boston  is  still  to  be  seen  the  lofty  “slaves’ 
gallery.”  \Judge JSamuel  Sewall  issued  the  first_j}ublic 
denunciation  of  slavery  in  Massachusetts,  in  a pamphlet 
issued  in  1700,  wherein  he  denounced  “ the  wicked  prac- 
tice. ”j  For  many  years  this  distinguished  jurist  and  diarist 
followed  up  his  assaults,  allowing  no  opportunity  to  es- 
cape wherein  he  might  espouse  the  cause  of  the  op- 
pressed “ blackamores  ” and  mitigate  the  severity  of  the 
laws  against  them.  But  the  colonists  in  general  saw 
nothing  in  the  system  to  shock  their  moral  sense,  and  it 
was  not  until  the  Revolution  that  anti-slavery  ideas  began, 
in  New  England,  to  spread  beyond  a narrow  circle  of 
humanitarians.^ 

There  was  a full  system  of  courts,  ranging  from  the 
colonial  judge Ja down  to  the  justices  of  the  peare  and 
The  legal  “ commissioners  of  small  causes,”  appointed 
profession.  E>y  colonial  authority  in  eacE  town/)  The 
magistrates  were_  uniformly  men  of  good  character,  of 
the  upper,  well-educated  class,  and  renderecEsubstantial 
justice,  although  not  specially  trained  in  the  law.  ( The 
legal  profession  was  practically  neglected  throughout  the 
seventeenth  century, ~3oubfless  owing  in  great  part  to 
lack  of  facilities  for  study  and  to  the  overtowering  im- 
portance of  the  ministry ; we  do  not  read  of  a profes- 
sional barrister  in  Massachusetts  until  1688.  There  was, 
however,  no  lack  of  litigation  ; personal  disputes  were  rifo 
in  Rhode  Island,  and  in  Connecticut  there  were  frequent 


Ch.  VIII.]  Slavery  and  the  Professions.  I S3 


legal  contests  between  towns  regarding  lands.  Between 
the  colonies,  also,  there  were  complicated  and  hotly-con- 
tested boundary  disputes.  ( The  bar  gained  strength,  but 
it  was  not  till  about  the  rniddle_o£_the  eighteenth  century 
that  it  stood  beside  the  ministry. 

We  have  had  frequent  evidences,  in  preceding  chap- 
ters, of  the  large  influence  of  the  clergy  in  the  temporal 
The  min-  affairs  of  New  England.  The  ranks  of  the 
istry.  Puritan  ministry  contained  men  of  the  best 

ability  and  station;  they  were  pre-eminently  the  strongest 
class,  and  as  the  popular  leaders,  deeply  impressed  their 
character  upon  the  laws  and  institutions  of  the  com- 
munity. They  were  held  in  great  affection  and  rever- 
ence ; but  in  a body  of  sturdy,  intelligent  parishioners 
they  could  maintain  their  supremacy  only  by  the  exercise 
of  superior  mental  gifts  : their  calling  was  one  offering 
rich  rewards  for  excellence,  and  attracted  to  it  men  of 
the  finest  calibre,  like  the  Mathers  and  Hooker.  The 
sloth  or  the  dullard  was  soon  taught  by  his  people  that  he 
had  mistaken  his  calling.  Jonathan  Edwards,  although 
of  a later  period  than  that  of  which  we  are  treating,  was 
a fair  type,  and  his  early  resolution  “to  live  with  all  my 
might  while  I do  live,”  was  an  expression  of  the  spirit 
which  dominated  his  order. 

It  was  an  age  in  which  quackery  flourished.  The  regu- 
lar physicians,  though  excellent  men  and  highly  regarded 

by  the  people,  depended  upon  nostrums,  and 

Medicine.  V 1 , ; , 

had  little  medical  knowledge  ; they  were  in 
the  main  “ herb-doctors  ” and  “ blood-letters.”  Many 
of  the  practitioners  were  barbers,  and  others  clergymen. 
“ This  relation  between  medicine  and  theology,”  writes 
Dr.  Holmes,  “has  existed  from  a very  early  period;  from 
the  Egyptian  priest  to  the  Indian  medicine-man,  the  alli- 
ance has  been  maintained  in  one  form  or  another.  The 
partnership  was  very  common  among  our  British  ances- 


[Ch.  VIII. 


>> 

184X 


New  England. 


Domestic 
man  uiac- 
tures. 


tors.”  There  were  few  facilities  for  the  study  of  medicine 
in  the  colonies  until  after  the  Revolution.  The  first  med- 
ical  school  in  America  was  established  in  Philadelphia, 

about  1760.  „ , 

77.  Occupations. 

■ Unlike  the  Southern  colonists,  New  Englanders  were 
dependent  on  England  only  for  the  most  important  man- 
ufactures. Mechanics  were  sufficiently  nu- 
merous in  every  community.  The  lumber 
industry  was  important,  and  in  Connecticut 
and  Massachusetts  there  was  profitable  iron  mining, 
which  gave  rise  to  several  kindred  pursuits.  There 
being  abundant  water-power,  small  saw  and  grist  mills 
were  numerous  ; there  were  many  tanneries  and  dis- 
tilleries; the  Scotch-Irish  in  Massachusetts  and  New 
Hampshire  made  linens  and  coarse  woollens,  and  beaver 
hats  and  paper  were  manufactured  on  a small  scale.  The 
people  were  largely  dressed  in  homespun  doth,  and  a 
spinning-wheel  was  to  be  found  in  every  farm-house.  It 
was  not  until  after  the  Revolution,  however,  that  New 
England  manufacturing  interests  attained  much  magni- 

e>  o o 

tude ; the  home  government,  through  the  Acts  of  Navi- 
gation and  Trade  (page  104),  had  discouraged,  as  far  as 
possible,  American  efforts  in  this  direction. 

The  fisheries,  particularly  whale  and  cod,  were  an 
important  source  of  income,  those  of  Massachusetts 
being  estimated,  in  1750,  at  .£250,000  per  year.) 
Fishers’  hamlets,  with  their  great  net-reels  and 
drying  stages,  were  strung  along  the  shores.  The  men 
engaged  in  the  traffic  were  hardy  and  bold,  no  weather 
deterring  them  from  long  voyages  to  Newfoundland  and 
Labrador,  while  whale-fishers  ventured  into  the  Arctic 
seas.  v From  their  ranks  were  largely  recruited  the  superb 
sailors  who  made  the  American  navy  famous  in  the  two 
wars  with  England.!) 

cJLJ  ' 


Fisheries. 


/S* 


•3/ 


d. 


A 1 


Ch.  VIII.]  Manufactures  and  Commerce.  185 

v A pinnace,  called  the  “ Virginia,”  was  constructed  by 
the  Popham  colonists  in  1607,  — the  first  ocean-going 
Ship.  vessel  built  in  New  England.  Ship-building 

building.  was  first;  undertaken  at  Plymouth  in  1625,  and 
in  Massachusetts  six  years  later  (1631).  (By  1650  New 
England  vessels  were  to  be  seen  all  along  the  coast, 
and  carried  the  bulk  of  the  export  cargoes.")  Before  1724 
English  ship,  carpenters  complained  of  American  com- 
petition. In  1760  ships  to  the  extent  of  twenty  thou- 
sand tons  a year  were  being  turned  out  of  American 
shipyards,  — chiefly  in  New  England;  and  most  of  them 
found  a market  in  the  mother-country. 

Dried  fish  was  the  chief  commodity  carried  out  of  New 
England,  and  was  exported  in  American  bottoms  to 

Spain,  Portugal,  and  the  West  Indies.  Fish- 
Commerce.  , . , r . , 

oil  and  timber  were  also  sent  out  of  Maine  and 

Massachusetts  to  foreign  countries  ; hay,  grain,  and  cattle 
were  taken  to  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  the  West 
Indies.  There  was  an  active  longsTiore  coasting  service 
Sy'small  craft,  which  ascended  the  rivers  and  gathered 
produce  from  the  farmers;  these  they  took  to  neighbor- 
ing ports,  and  brought  back  other  colonial  products  in 
exchange. ( Larger  vessels  went  with  miscellaneous  cargoes 
to  the  West  Indies,  and  returned  with  slaves  and  sugar. 
New  Englanders  manufactured  rum  from  West  India 
sugar  and  molasses,  and  exported  the  finished  product. 

(There  are  instances  of  New  England  ships  taking  rum  to 
Africa,  where  it  was  exchanged  for  slaves ; these  slaves 
were  then  transported  to  the  Wrest  Indies,  to  be  bartered 
for  sugar  and  molasses,  which  was  carried  home  and 
converted  into  rum.  It  v'as  a day  when  kegs  of  rum  and 
wines  were  given  to  ministers  at  donation  parties,  and 
ministers  themselves  made  brandy  by  the  barrel  for  do- 
mestic use,  and  sold  it  to  their  parishioners.  Wines 
were  imported  from  Madeira  and  Malaga,  and  manu- 


[Ch.  VIII. 


1 36 


New  England. 


factured  goods  from  England  and  the  Continent.  A very 
large  and  profitable  business  was  done  in  the  general 
carrying  trade,  which  was  developed  by  enterprising  New 
England  men  in  all  the  sister  colonies.  Boston  alone 
employed,  by  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  about 
six  hundred  vessels  in  her  foreign  commerce,  and  a thou- 
sand in  her  fisheries  and  coast-trade. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  popula- 
tion was  in  about  equal  degree  engaged  in  trade  and 
Distribution  agr>culture.  Trade  was  the  chief  calling  in 


Rhode  Island,  and  agriculture  in  Connecticut 
and  New  Hampshire,  while  in  Maine  and 


of  occupa- 
tions. 


Massachusetts  both  flourished.  All  of  the  colonies  were 
also  much  interested  in  the  fisheries.  J 


Conditions. 


Boston,  Newport,  and  New  Haven  were  the  chief  towns; 


the  former  was  at  this  time  the  centre  of  political  and  mer- 


cantile life  on  the  North  American  continent, 
and  there  were  external  evidences  of  consider. 


The  towns. 


able  wealth  and  some  luxury.  New  Haven  was  famed  for 
its  prosperous  appearance,  and  the  houses  of  its  rich  men 
were  of  a better  style  of  architecture  than  commonly  seen 
in  the  colonies.  Small  villages,  neighborhood  centres 
of  the  several  townships,  abounded  everywhere.  The 
houses  of  the  minister  and  the  school-teacher,  with  the 
little  shops  of  tradesmen  and  artisans,  formed  the  nucleus 
around  which  the  farm-houses  were  grouped  with  more  or 
less  density.  The  viliage  streets,  overhung  with  arching 
elms,  were  kept  in  tolerable  order  by  the  “ hog-reeves,” 
“fence-viewers,”  and  other  town  officials.  The  quaint, 
roomy,  gambrel-roofed  houses  were  scrupulously  plain  and 
clean,  and  were  presided  over  by  model  housewives. 


Ch.  VIII  ] Life  and  Manners.  187 

(_The  people  in  these  rural  communities  were  in  mod- 
erate financial  circumstances,  neat  in  habit,  intelligent, 
Life  and  and  fairly  educated;  both  sexes,  young  and 
manners.  old,  worked  hard,  were  frugal,  thrifty,  and  as 
a rule  rigid  in  morals.  ) While  coldly  reserved  towards 
strangers,  they  were  kind  and  hospitable,  and  noted  fai 
and  wide  for  their  acute  inquisitiveness.  They  wore  so- 
ber-colored garments  except  on  Sunday,  the  important 
day  of  the  week,  when  there  was  a general  display  of  quaint 
finery  of  a sombre  character.  The  men  wore  long  stock- 
ings and  knee-breeches,  with  buckled  shoes  ; workmen  had 
breeches  and  jackets  of  leather,  buckskin,  or  coarse  can- 
vas, while  those  of  higher  degree  were  generally  dressed 
in  coarse  homespun,  — only  the  richest  could  afford 
imported  cloths.  Their  great  open  fireplaces  were  ill- 
adapted  to  withstand  the  winter’s  rigor.  Their  churches 
were  wholly  unprovided  with  heating  accommodations/) 
Their  diet  was  spare.  The  well-to-do  prided  themselves 
on  their  old  silver  tableware,  and  New  England  kitchens 
were  noted  for  their  displays  of  brightly  burnished  pewter 
and  brasses.  Cider  and  New  England  rum  were  favorite 
beverages  ; but  drunkenness  was  less  prevalent  than  in 
the  other  colonies  : the  New  England  temperament  was  not 
inclined  to  excesses  and  roistering.  The  general  tone  of 
life  was  sedate,  even  gloomy;  the  Puritans  had  “a  lurk- 
ing inherited  distrust  for  enjoyment.”  yet  they  cultivated 
a certain  dry  humor,  and  for  the  young  people  there  was 
not  lacking  a round  of  simple  amusements,  such  as 
house-raisings,  dancing  parties,  and  husking,  spinning, 
quilting,  and  apple-paring  bees,  into  which  the  neighbor- 
hoods entered  with  great  zest.  In  the  towns  there  was 
more  pretension  and  ceremonial  ; but  taking  changed 
conditions  into  account,  the  life  of  the  townspeople  and 
their  habits  of  thought  differed  but  little  from  those  of 
their  rural  cousins. 


1 83 


[Ch.  viii. 


New  England. 

The  highways  were  generally  of  fair  character,  but  the 
larger  streams  were  unbridged.  Outside  of  the  neighbor- 
Roads  and  hoods  of  the  large  towns  wheeled  vehicles, 
travel.  except  for  heavy  loads,  were  not  common 
until  the  time  of  the  Revolution.),  Horseback  was  the 
ordinary  mode  of  travel.  A' tavern  kept  by  some  leading 
citizen  could  be  found  in  every  town,  with  good  lodgings 
at  reasonable  rates,  although  there  was  general  complaint 
of  the  cookery.  .Nowhere  else  in  the  colonies  was  there 
so  much  intercommunication  as  in  New  England.) 


Moral  and  Religious  Conditions. 

1 A system  of  public  education  was  among..tlie_ first  insti- 
tutions established  by  the  Puritans.  Each  town  had  its 
school;  by  1649  there  was  n0  New  England 
colony,  except  Rhode  Island,  in  which  some 
degree  of  education  was  not  compulsory.  ) Deep_learnins; 


was  rare,  but  the  people  were  well  drilled  in  the  rudi- 
ments"; except  on  the  far-off  borders  of  Maine  there  was 
no  illiteracy  in  New  England  when  the  Revolution  broke 
out.  Latin  schools  and  academies  soon  supplemented 
parental  instruction  and  the  common  schools.  We  have 
seen  that  Boston  was  but  six  years  old  when  Harvard 
College  was  established  (1636);  and  Yale  College  was 
opened  at  New  Haven  in  the  year  i7oo.  ( / N J - 
( Crime  appears  to  have  been  less  frequent  in  New  Eng- 
land than  in  the  Southern  or  the  middle  colonies;  the 
highways  were  safe  after  the  close  jpfkJCing 
Philip’s  war  and  the  Tarratine  trouble;  doors 
and  windows  were  seldom  barred  in  the  country,  and 
young  women  could  travel  anywhere  with  perfect  safety. 
The  list  of  capital  crimes  was  a long  one  in  that  day,  as 
' well  in  the  mother-land  as  in  the  colonies,  and  hangings, 
particularly  of  the  pirates  who  infested  the  coast,  were 


Crime. 


xLtsla. 


aj 


4sUa.  s.  t-  w 
Aic- 


f 


Ch.  VIII  ] 


189 


Religion. 


spectacles  frequently  seen  in  New  England.  A more 
cruel  form  of  punishment  was  reserved  for  the  negro 
race.  There  were  several  cases  of  negroes  being  burned 
at  the  stake  for  murder  or  arson.  Great  publicity  was 
given  to  all  manner  of  punishments ; gibbets,  stocks, 
ducking-stools,  pillories,  and  whipping-posts  were  familiar 
objects  in  nearly  every  town.  Criminals  might  also  be 
branded,  mutilated,  or  compelled  to  wear,  conspicuously 
sewed  to  their  garments,  colored  letters  indicative  of  the 
offences  committed.  Hawthorne’s  romance  of  the  “ Scar- 
let Letter”  is  based  on  this  last-named  custom. 

Organized  on  the  Independent,  or  Congregational, 
form,  each  religious  congregation  was  a law  unto  itself, 


electing  its  own  deacons  and  minister,  and  was 
but  little  influenced  by  the  occasional  s'.-i-mrlc 


Religion. 


or  councils  of  churches,  which  at  last  fell  into  disuse. 
At  first  the  Church  was  bitterly  intolerant;  but  this  spirit 
gradually  softened  as  it  became  more  and  more  separated 
from  the  State.  By  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century 
John  Eliot  complained  that  religion  had  declined  ; in 
1749  Douglass  was  able  to  write,  “ At  present  the  Con- 
gregationalists  of  New  England  may  be  esteemed  among 
the  most  moderate  and  charitable  of  Christian  profes- 
sions.” The  introduction  of  the  Church  of  England 
under  Andros  aroused  bitter  opposition.  Episcopalian- 
ism  was  vigorously  preached  against  until  the  Revolution; 
but  there  was  no  great  cause  for  complaint,  as  it  was  not 
sought  to  foist  it  upon  the  people,  but  to  gain  for  it  a 
hearing.  The  name  “Bishop’s  palace,”  still  applied  to 
a house  in  Cambridge  which  was  supposed  when  built 
to  have  been  intended  for  an  imported  bishop,  bears 
testimony  to  the  popular  feeling  against  the  system.  It 
had  no  success  except  among  the  Tory  element  in 
Boston  and  Portsmouth, — and  later  (1736-17^0)  in  New 
Haven.  In  Rhode  Island  perfect  tolerance  made  the 


[Ch.  VIII. 


190 


New  England. 


colony  a harboring  place  for  all  manner  of  despised  sects 
and  factious  disturbers  driven  out  of  other  communities, 
and  the  spirit  of  turbulence  long  reigned  there. 

A “ great  awakening”  of  religious  fervor  affected  New 
England  between  1713  and  1744-  Originating  in  North  - 
“The great  ampton,  Mass.,  in  revivals  under  Solomon 
awakening.”  Stoddard,  the  popular  excitement  became  al- 
most frenzied  under  Jonathan  Edwards,  beginning  in 
1734.  A visit  from  George  Whitefield,  the  English  reviv- 
alist, in  1740  caused  a great  fervor  of  religious  interest, 
and  it  is  estimated  that  twenty-five  thousand  converts 
were  made  by  the  great  agitator  throughout  his  New 
England  pilgrimage.  By  1744.  when  Whitefield  again 
visited  the  scene  of  his  triumphs,  the  excitement  had 
greatly  subsided. 


The  Witchcraft  Delusion. 


The  witch- 
craft craze. 


The  witchcraft  craze  at  Salem  is  commonly  thought  to 
have  been  a legitimate  outgrowth  of  the  gloomy  religion 
of  the  Puritans.  It  was,  however,  but  one  of 
those  panics  of  fear  which  during  several  cen- 
Juries_j>eriodically  swept  over  civilized  lands?)  In  the 
twelfth  century  thousands  of  persons  in  Europe  were  sac- 
rificed because  the  people  believed  them  to  be  witches,  in 
league  with  the  devil,  and  with  the  power  to  ride  through 
the  air  and  vex  humanity  in  many  occult  ways.  Pope 
Innocent  VIII.  commanded  (1484)  that  witches  be  ar- 
rested, and  hundreds  of  odd  and  repulsive  old  women 
were  burned  or  hanged  in  consequence.  From  King  John 
down  to  1712,  innocent  lives  were  constantly  sacrificed  in 
England  on  this  charge  ; in  the  year  1661  alone,  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  were  hanged  there.  It  was  therefore  no 
new  frenzy  that  broke  out  in  Massachusetts.  In  1648 
Margaret  Jones  was  hanged  as  a witch  at  Charlestown; 
in  1656  the  sister  of  Deputy-Governor  Bellingham,  for 


1692]  Witchcraft  Delusion.  191 

being  “too  subtle  in  her  perception  of  what  was  occur- 
ring around  her.”  suffered  the  same  fate  ; in  1688  an 
Irish  washerwoman  named  Glover  went  to  the  gallows 
because  a spiteful  child  said  she  had  been  bewitched  by 
the  poor  creature. 

There  was  general  despondency  in  Massachusetts  in 
1692,  the  result  of  four  small-pox  epidemics  which  had 
quickly  followed  each  other,  the  loss  of  the  old 
The  trials.  c]iarter,  a temporary  increase  in  crime,  finan- 
cial depression,  and  general  dread  of  another  Indian 
outbreak.  The  time  was  ripe  for  an  epidemic  of  super- 
stitious fear.  All  at  once  it  broke  out  with  great  fury 
in  the  old  town  of  Salem.  Despite  the  protest  of  Cotton 
Mather  and  other  prominent  clergymen,  who,  though 
believers  in  witches,  condemned  unjust  methods  of  pro- 
cedure, a special  court  of  oyer  and  terminer  was  hastily 
organized  (1692)  by  the  governor  and  council  for  the  trial  of 
the  accused.  Lieutenant-Governor  Stoughton,  who  pre- 
sided over  this  extraordinary  tribunal,  was  in  active  sym- 
pathy with  the  fanatics  who  conducted  the  prosecution. 

: The  witnesses  were  chiefly  children,  and  the  testimony 
the  flimsiest  ever  seriouslyTeceived  in  an  American  court 
of  justice.  But  the.  judges,  although  sober  and  respect- 
able citizens,  were  as  deluded  as  the  people;  while  the 
frenzy  lasted,  nineteen  persons  were,  hanged,  for  having 
bewitched  children  in  the  neighborhood,  and  one  .was 
pressed  to  death  because  he  would  not  plead.  Of  the 
hundreds  of  others  who  were  arrested,  two  died  while 
in  prison. 

By  the  following  year  the  craze  had  exhausted  itself, 
and  there  was  a general  jail-delivery.  (Many  of  the 
Sewall’s  re-  children  afterwards  confessed  to  the  falsity  of 
pentance.  their  testimony.  Samuel  Sewall  was  one  of 
the  trial  judges.  He  afterwards,  while  standing  in  his 
pew  in  the  Old  South  Church  at  Boston,  had  read  at  the 


192 


New  England. 


[Ch.  VIII. 


desk  a public  declaration  expressing  his  deep  repentance 
that  he  had  been  in  such  grievous  error,  and  asking  the 
congregation  to  unite  with  him  in  praying  for  the  forgive- 
ness of  God.  Cotton  Mather,  however,  endeavored  to 
vindicate  himself  by  the  statement,  “ I know  not  that 
ever  I have  advanced  any  opinion  in  the  matter  of  witch- 
craft but  what  all  the  ministers  of  the  Lord  that  I know 
of  in  the  world,  whether  English  or  Scotch,  or  French  or 
Dutch,  are  of  the  same  opinion  with  me.” 

Belief  in  witchcraft  was  not  confined  to  Massachusetts. 
Evidence  of  this  superstition  — childish  to  us  of  to-day, 
but  a stern  reality  in  the  strongest  minds  of  Cot- 


The 

witchcraft 
delusion 
elsewhere  in 
the  colonies. 


ton  Mather’s  time  — was  noticeable  through- 

c> 


out  most  of  the  colonies  until  the  middle  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  fin  1705  a witch  was 
“ducked”  in  Virginia.^) ('There  were  trials  for  witchcraft 
in  Maryland  during  the  last  quarter  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  but  there  is  no  evidence  extant  of  an  execution. 
In  Pennsylvania  in  1683  a woman  was  tried  as  a witch, 
and  bound  to  good  behavior.  ^)(In  1779,  during  a similar 
panic  among  the  French  creoles  at  Cahokia,  111.,  two 
negro  slaves  were  condemned  to  be  hanged,  and  another 
to  be  burned  alive  while  chained  to  a post,  on  the  charge 
of  practising  sorcery;  there  is,  however,  no  evidence  that 
the  sentence  was  carried  out.) 

k-'8l.  Political  Conditions.-^ 

The  town  was  in  New  England  the  political  unit. 
The  town-meeting  was  a primary  assembly,  at  which 
Administra-  were  transacted  all  local  affairs,  — those  which 
tlon-  came  nearest  to  the  individual.  The  colonial 

government  dealt  with  general  interests;  the  colonial 
machinery  of  administration  might  break  down,  and  yet 
the  immediate  needs  of  the  people  would  have  been  for 
a time  subserved  by  the  town  governments.  This  was 


Ch.  VIII.] 


Political  Conditions. 


19.3 


the  ease  at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution.  But  the 
indispensable  function  of  legislation  upon  property  and 
contracts,  the  definition  of  crimes,  and  all  the  judicial 
affairs  of  the  people,  were  from  the  first  carried  out 
by  the  colony.  In  the  town-meetings- — and  in  church 
congregations,  which  were  for  a long  period  scarcely  dis- 
tinguishable from  them  — the  people  were  trained  in  self- 
government  ; their  intellects  were  sharpened,  and  there 
was  bred  a stout  spirit  of  political  self-sufficiency.  Ey 
the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  a freehold  test  for 
suffrage  was  common  in  New  England,  as  in  most  of  the 
American  colonies.  Taxes  raised  on  land,  polls,  and 
personal  property  were  not  onerous,  as  public  expendi- 
tures were  carefully  watched  and  criticised  by  a frugal 
people.  The  introduction  of  royal  governors  opened  the 
door  to  bickerings  between  the  executive  and  the  legis- 
lature,— so  prominent  a feature  in  eighteenth-century 
colonial  history  prior  to  the  Revolution.  Up  to  1700, 
with  a few  exceptions,  the  political  machinery  had  run 
quite  smoothly,  when  not  subjected  to  outside  interfer- 
ence The  several  colonial  governments  in  New  Eng- 
land varied  in  detail,  but  they  were  alike  in  being  largely 
independent  of  England,  in  being  administered  in  a spirit 
of  simplicity  and  economy,  and  in  the  extent  to  which 
the  body  of  the  people  were  enabled  to  influence  the 
conduct  of  affairs.) 

New  England  men  were  brave  and  liberty-loving, 
stoutly  withstanding  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  home 

government  to  curtail  their  rights  as  Eng- 

Summary.  f.  , , , . 

hshmen  or  hamper  their  progress.  They  were 
not  always  successful  in  their  resistance,  but  were 
vastly  more  independent  than  their  French  and  Spanish 
neighbors  ; and  the  principles  of  popular  government 
were  nowhere  else,  even  in  the  English  colonies,  so  suc- 
cessfully put  in  practice.  (^Theyjverty  hard-working,  fru- 
13 


194 


[Ch.  viii. 


New  England. 

gal,  God-iearing,  educated,  and  virtuous  men.  They 
sprang  from  a high  quality  of  pure  English  stock,  and 
they  had  raised  indeed  “choice  grain.”  They  founded 
an  enduring  empire  amid  obstacles  that  two  and  a half 
centuries  ago  might  well  have  seemed  appalling.  The 
creed  of  the  Puritans  was  harsh,  their  view  of  life 
gloomy,  and  their  church  intolerant;  but  their  mission, 
as  they  conceived  it,  was  a serious  one,  and  the  stormy 
experience  of  Rhode  Island  was  not  calculated  elsewhere 
to  encourage  looseness  in  religious  thinking.  ^They  were 
enterprising  and  thrifty  to  a high  degree^  In  com- 
merce, domestic  trade,  manufactures,  and  political  saga- 
city, for  nearly  two  centuries  New  England  easily  led  all 
the  American  colonies.  /The  nation  owes  much  to  the 
wisdom,  the  energy,  and  the  fortitude  of  New  England 
colonial  statesmen;  and  New  England  institutions  are 
to-day  in  large  measure  characteristics  of  the  American 
commonwealth. 


Ch.  IX.] 


Middle  Colonies. 


195 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  MIDDLE  COLO- 
NIES (1609-1700.) 

82.  References. 

Bibliographies.  — Justin  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical  His- 
tory, III.  41 1-420,  449-456,  495-516  ; IV.  409-442,  488-502  ; Channing 
and  Hart,  Guide , §§  104-108. 

Historical  Maps.  — Nos.  1,  2,  and  3,  this  volume  ( Epoch  Maps, 
Nos.  1,  2,  3);  reprints  in  Winsor,  as  above;  T.  MacCoun,  Historical 
Geography ; in  school  histories  of  Channing,  Thomas,  Johnston, 
Scudder. 

General  Accounts.  — Geo.  Bancroft  (last  rev.),  1.  475-589;  II. 
24-46;  R.  Hildreth,  I.  136-149,  413-449;  II.  44-78,  1 71-2 19  ; Bryant 
and  Gay,  II.  115-164,  229-267,  319-354,472-498;  III.  1-36,  170- 
174;  Justin  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical  History,  III.  385-516; 
IV.  395-502  ; H.  C.  Lodge,  Colonics,  205-311. 

Special  Histories.  — New  York:  Roberts;  Brodhead,  I.,  II.; 
Wm.  Smith  ; O’Callaghan,  New  Netherlands ; Schuyler,  Colonial 
New  York.  I.;  I.  Elting,  Dutch  Village  Communities.  — Delaware: 
J.  F.  Jameson,  Willem  Usselinx  (American  Historical  Association, 
Papers).  — New  Jersey  : A.  D.  Mellick.  Story  of  an  Old  New  Jersey 
Farm;  Raum  ; Mulford.  — Pennsylvania:  Robert  Proud;  Egle,  Illus- 
trated History,  17-54.  The  best  Life  of  Penn  is  Janney’s.  — New 
York  City  : Lamb,  History  ; J.  G.  Wilson,  Memorial  History  ; shorter 
histories  by  Booth  and  Stone.  — Scharf  and  Westcott,  History  of  Phila- 
delphia is  valuable.  — For  the  educational  history  of  the  colonies,  see 
R.  G.  Boone,  F.ducation  in  the  United  States,  9-60. 

Contemporary  Accounts.  — Josselyn,  Account  of  Two  Voy- 
ages (1675)  ; Budd,  Good  Order  established  (16S5);  Penn,  Some  Ac- 
count (1681);  Sewel,  History  of  Quakers  (1722) ; Hazard,  Annals  op 
Pennsylvania  ; Gabriel  Thomas,  West  Jersey.  The  best  sources  are 
the  abundant  documents  printed  in  the  Documents  relative  to  the 
Colonial  History  of  New  York,  and  Documents  relative  to  the  Colo- 
nial History  of  New  Jersey ; publications  of  the  State  Societies  and 
the  Long  Island  Historical  Society.  — Reprints  in  Half  Moon  Series, 
American  History  told  by  Contemporaries,  I.,  part  vi. 


Middle  Colonies. 


[Cii.  IX. 


196 


83 j Dutch  Settlement  (1609-1625), 


In  September,  1609,  Hendrik  Hudson,  an  English 
navigator  in  the  employ  of  the  Dutch  East  India  Com- 
Hudson’s  pany,  sailed  up  the  river  to  which  his  name 
discovery.  jias  been  given  by  the  English  — the  Dutch 
called  it  North  River — as  far  as  the  future  site  of  Al- 
bany. He  found  ‘(that  the  land  was  of  the  finest  kind 
for  tillage,  and  as  beautiful  as  the  foot  of  man  ever  trod 
upon.”  Six  weeks  earlier  Champlain,  the  commander 
of  New  France,  had  been  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain about  one  hundred  miles  to  the  north,  fighting  the 
native  Iroquois.  The  object  of  Hudson’s  search  was 
a familiar  one  in  his  time,  — the  discovery  of  a water- 
passage  through  the  continent  that  might  serve  as  a 
short-cut  to  India,  where  his  masters  were  engaged  in 
trade.  He  did  not  find  what  he  sought,  but  opened  the 
way  to  a lucrative  traffic  with  the  American  savages, 
whose  good  graces  the  thrifty  Dutch  strove  to  cultivate. 
The  French  leader's  introduction  to  the  Iroquois  had 
been  as  an  enemy,  but  the  explorer  from  Holland  came 
as  a friend:  the  Dutch  reaped  advantage  from  the 
contrast. 

Dutch  traders  annually  visited  the  region  of  Hudson 
River  during  the  next  few  years.  There  was  at  first  no 
attempt  at  colonization,  for  Holland  just  at 

Early  Dutch  , . , . J rr 

trading-  that  time  was  not  prepared  to  give  offence 
posts.  to  her  old  enemy,  Spain,  which  claimed  most 

of  North  America  by  the  right  of  discovery  and  Pope 
Alexander’s  bull  of  partition.  Nevertheless,  the  country 
was  styled  New  Netherland,  and  Holland  recognized 
it  as  a legal  dependency.  \A  Dutch  navigator,  Adrian 
Block,  as  the  result  of  an  accident,  spent  a winter  on 
either  Manhattan  or  Long  Island,  and  built  a coasting- 
vessel  (1614)  for  trafficking  in  furs.  A small  trading- 


1009-1623-] 


New  Netherland. 


19  7 


house,  called  Fort  Nassau,  was  also  erected  this  year 
on  the  site  of  Albany  ; a similar  establishment,  with- 
out defences,  and  surrounded  by  a few  huts  for  traders, 
was  built  on  Manhattan  Island,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river,  the  following  season  (1615);  a new  Fort  Nassau 
was  afterwards  (1623)  set  up  on  the  Delaware  River, 
four  miles  below  the  site  of  Philadelphia,  but  was  soon 
abandoned. 

In  1615  the  New  Netherland  Company  obtained  a trad- 
ing charter  from  the  States-General  of  Flolland.  The  cor- 
The  New  poration  was  granted  a monopoly  of  the  Dutch 
Netherlands  fur  traffic  in  New  Netherland  for  three  years, 
Company.  ancj  conducted  extensive  operations  between 
Albany  and  the  Delaware,  coastwise  and  in  the  interior. 
The  Dutch  thus  far  had  not  ventured  to  exercise  polit- 
ical control  over  the  New  Netherland.  ( The  country 
was  still  claimed  by  the  English  Virginia  Company.'') 
The  land  originally  granted  to  the  Pilgrims  from  Leyden 
by  the  latter  company  was  described  as  being  “ about  the 
Hudson’s  River.”  We  have  seen  how  the  party  on  the 
“ Mayflower”  were  prevented  by  storms  — or  possibly  by 
the  design  of  the  captain  — from  reaching  their  destina- 
tion and  planting  an  English  colony  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  Dutch  trading  posts. 

In  1621  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  came  upon 
the  scene  as  the  successor  of  the  New  Netherland  Com- 
rT'h  r>  t 1 Pany-  charter  bade  it  “to  advance  the 
West  India  peopling  of  those  fruitful  and  unsettled  parts,” 
Company.  an(j  tQ  a g0  aq  that  t]ie  serv;ce  0f  those  coun- 
tries and, the  profit  and  increase  of  trade  shall  require.” 
The  corporation  was  given  almost  absolute  commercial 
and  political  power  in  all  Dutch  domains  between  New- 
foundland and  the  Straits  of  Magellan,  the  home  govern- 
ment  reserving  only  the  right  to  decline  confirmation  of 
colonial  officers.  Three  years  elapsed  before  the  com- 


198 


Middle  Colonies. 


jCh.  IX. 


pany  attempted  to  plant  a colony.  Thirty  families  of 
Protestant  Walloons  — a people  of  mixed  Gallic  and  Teu- 
tonic blood,  living  in  the  southern  provinces  of  Holland, 
whose  offer  to  settle  in  Virginia  had  been  rejected  by  the 
English  — were  sent  over  by  the  Dutch  proprietors  (1624) 
to  their  new  possessions.  The  greater  part  of  the  emi- 
grants went  to  Albany,  which  they  styled  Fort  Orange  ; 
others  were  sent  to  the  Delaware  River  colony ; a small 
party  went  on  to  the  Connecticut;  a few  settled  on  Long 
Island;  and  eight  men  stayed  on  Manhattan.  These  set- 
tlements, relying  for  their  chief  support  on  the  fur-trade 
with  the  Indians,  were  quite  successful,  and  the  New 
Netherlands  soon  became  an  important  group  of  com- 
mercial colonies. 

84.  Progress  within  New  Netherland  (1626-1664). 

In.  1626  Peter  Minuit,  then  director  for  the  company, 
purchased  Manhattan  from  the  Indians,  united  all  the 
m , settlements  under  one  system  of  direction,  and 
ments  founded  New  Amsterdam  (afterwards  New 

united.  York  city)  as  the  central  trading  depot.  In 

every  direction  the  trade  of  New  Netherland  grew. 

As  the  settlers  seemed  to  be  interested  in  commerce, 
and  agricultural  colonization  did  not  flourish,  the  corpora- 
The  patroon  l'011  secured  from  the  States-General  a new 
system.  charter  of  “freedoms  and  exemptions”  (1629), 
which  they  thought  better  adapted  to  the  fostering  of 
emigration.  This  document  sought  to  transplant  the 
European  feudal  system  to  the  American  wilds.  Mem- 
bers of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  might  purchase 
tracts  of  land  from  the  Indians  and  plant  colonies  thereon, 
of  which  these  proprietors  were  to  be  the  patroons,  or 
patrons.  PIach_patroon  thus  establishing  a colony  of  fifty 
persons  upwards  of  fifteen  years  of  age,  was  granted  a 
tract  “as  a perpetual  inheritance,”  sixteen  miles  wide 


1623-1633] 


The  Patroons. 


199 


along  the  river,  or  eight  miles  on  both  Hdes,  “ and  so 
far  into  the  country  as  the  situation  of  the  occupiers  will 
permit.”  The  company  retained  intervening  lands  ; but 
no  one  might  settle  within  thirty  miles  of  a patroon  colony 
without  consent  of  the  patroon,  subject  to  the  order  of  the 
company’s  officials.  The  patroons  were  given  political 
and  judicial  power  over  their  colonists;  the  latter  might 
take  appeals  to  the  New  Netherlands  council,  but  the  pa- 
troons were  generally  careful  to  bind  the  settlers  before 
starting  out  not  to  exercise  this  right. 

Leading  members  of  the  company  were  quick  to  avail 
themselves  of  this  opportunity  to  become  members  of  a 
Patroon  landed  aristocracy  and  absolute  chiefs  of  what- 
settlements.  ever  colonies  they  might  plant.  Small  settle- 
ments were  soon  made  on  these  several  domains,  which 
were  taken  up  chiefly  along  Hudson  River,  the  princi- 
pal highway  into  the  Indian  country.  Van  Rensselaer 
founded  Rensselaerswyck,  near  Fort  Orange;  Pauw  se- 
cured Hoboken  and  Staten  Island;  while  Godyn,  Blom- 
maert,  De  Vries,  and  others  settled  Swaanendael,  on  the 
Delaware.  Many  of  the  old  patroon  estates  long  remained 
undivided,  and  the  heirs  of  the  founders  claimed  some 
semi-feudal  privileges  w'ell  into  the  nineteenth  century. 
Attempts  to  collect  long  arrears  of  rent  on  the  great  Van\ 
Rensselaer  estate  led  to  a serious  anti-rent  movement 
(1839-1846),  which  broke  out  in  bloody  riots  and  affected 
New  York  politics  for  several  years. 

TJie^patroons,  as  individuals,  haughtily  assumed  to  shut 
out  the  Dutch  West  India  Company,  of  which  they  were 
Collisions  members,  from  the  trade  of  their  petty  inde- 
with  English  pendent  States.  The  corporation  was  not  only 
torn  by  internal  dissensions,  but  soon  had  on 
hand  a quarrel  with  New  England  because  of  the  estab- 
lishment of  a Dutch  fur-trading  post  at  Hartford,  on  the 
Connecticut  (1633),  and  the  vain  assertion  of  a right  to 


200 


Middle  Colonies. 


[Ch.  IX. 

exclude  English  vessels  from  the  Hudson  river.  On  the 
south,  the  Djitch  came  into  collision  with  Virginians 
trading  on  the  Delaware  and  the  Schuylkill.  Trade  in- 
creased, but  colonization  did  not  thrive,  owing  in  part 
to  the  rapacity  of  the  patroons,  and  partly  to  the  mis- 
management of  the  governors  sent  out  to  represent  the 
company. 

The  singular  lack  of  tact  displayed  by  Governor  Kjeft 
led  to  an  Algonkin  Indian  uprising  (1643-1645),  which 
An  Indian  resulted  in  the  death  of  sixteen  hundred  sav- 
war.  ages,  but  left  the  border  settlements  in  ruins, 

and  seriouslyThecked  colonial  growth  for  several  years. 
The  Algonkins  being  enemies  of  the  Iroquois,  the 
friendship  originally  formed  between  the  Dutch  and  the 
latter  was  not  disturbed  by  this  outbreak. 

In  1640  the  company  fixed  the  limits  of  a patroon’s 
estate  at  one  mile  along  the  river  front  and  two  miles  in 
depth,  but  did  not  disturb  the  feudal  privi- 
los'er'cofoni.  leges.  As  a counter-influence,  a new  class  of 
aati°n.  settlers  was  provided  for.  Any  one  going  to 
New  Netherland  with  five  other  emigrants  might  take 
two  hundred  acres  of  land  as  a bounty  and  be  indepen- 
dent of  the  patroons.  A species  of  local  self-government 
was  also  provided  for  at  this  time,  the  officers  of  each 
town  or  village  being  chosen  by  the  directors  of  the 
company  from  a list  made  up  by  the  inhabitants.  These 
inducements  do  not  seem  to  have  attracted  many  colo- 
_rflsts,  for  when  Peter  Stuyvesant  came  out  as  governor 
(1647),  and  strutted  about  Manhattan  “ like  a peacock, 
— as  if  he  were  the  Czar  of  Muscovy,”  there  were  only 
three  hundred  fighting  men  in  the  entire  province. 

( Up  to  this  time  the  people  had  been  obliged  to_rely 
chiefly  on  petitions  as  a means  of  presentingTTieir  political 
grievances.  In  T641  Kieft  had  been  forced  by  popular 
opinion  to  call  aTcouncil  of  twelve  deputies  from  the 


1633-1651-] 


New  Sweden. 


201 


several  settlements  to  advise  him  in  .regard  to  treatment 
of  tire  Indians,  and  again  in  1644  to  consult  as  to  taxes  ; 
The  colo-  hut  he  rode  rough-shod  over  the  deputies.  The 
nists  strug-  public  outcry  over  this  arbitrary  conduct  led  to 
pollficaf  his  recall  and  the  institution  of  some  minor  re- 
r,'sllts-  forrnlT 


Under  Stuyvesant  there  was  formed  a 
council  of  nine,  the  members  beyng  selected  by  him  from 
a list  of  popular  nominations.  The  board  was  so  ar- 
ranged as  to  be  self-perpetuating,  and  the  people,  after 
the  original  election,  ceased  to  have  any  hand  in  its  make- 
up. In  an  important  struggle  between  Stuyvesant  and 
the  residents  of  New  Amsterdam  (1651)  relative  to  an 
excise  tax,  the  director-general  was  obliged  to  yield. 

A source  of  anxiety  to  the  rulers  of  New  Netherland 
was  the  heterogeneous  character  of  the  population.  The 
first  permanent  settlers  had  been  the  Walloons. 


A heteroge- 
neous pop- 


The  Dutch  themselves  soon  followed.  Besides 
ulation.  p-,ese  were  several  bands  of  Protestant  reform- 
ers who  had  fled  from  persecution _Jn  Europe,  and  nu- 
merous sectaries  from  New  England  who  had  found  life 
intolerable  there.  There  were  so  many  French-speaking 
people  in  the  district  that  public  documents  were  often 
printed  both  in  French  and  Dutch.  In  1643  '1  was  re- 
ported that  eighteen  languages  were  ~spoken  in  New 
Amsterdam. 

d ~ The  South  Company  of  Sweden  sent  out  a colony  in 
1 1638  under  charge  of  Minuit,  formerly  employed  by  the 

Dutch  West  India  Company.  He  built  Fort 
\ meats  by  the  Christina,  on  the  future  site  of  Wilmington, 
Swedes.  Del.,  and  called  the  country  New  Sweden. 
The  Dutch  governor  at  New  Amsterdam  vainly  protested 
against  this  occupation  of  territory  claimed  by  his  em- 
ployers. Ttvo.  years  later  (1641)  a party  of  Englishmen 
from  New  Haven  built  trading-houses  on  the  Schuylkill, 
and  at  Salem,  N.  J.,  near  Fort  Nassau,  but  were  soon 


202 


Middle  Colonies. 


|Ch.  IX. 


compelled  to  leave.  The  Swedish  enterprise  went  un- 
checked until  Stuyvesant’s  rule,  when  a fort  was  built 
(1651)  on  the  site  of  Newcastle,  Del.,  below  the  Swedish 
fort;  and  four  years  after  this  (1655)  the  South  Com- 
pany was  obliged,  upon  display  of  force,  to  abandon  its 
enterprise. 


85.  Conquest  of  New  Netherland  (1664). 

So  long  as  a foreign  nation  and  a formidable  commer- 
cial rival  held  the  geographical  centre,  the  northern  and 
English  southern  colonies  of  England  were  separated, 
interference,  intercommunication  was  hampered,  and  in- 
ternational boundary  disputes  arose.  Moreover,  New 
Amsterdam  had  the  best  harbor  on  the  coast,  and  the 
Hudson  river  was  an  easy  highway  for  traffic  with  the 
Indians  ; it  was,  as  well,  altogether  too  convenient  for 
possible  raids  of  French  and  Indians  from  the  north. 
For  these  reasons  England  was  desirous  of  obtaining 
possession  of  the  New  Netherlands.  There  were  not 
wanting  excuses  for  interference.  Englishmen  in  Con- 
necticut, on  Long  Island,  and  on  the  Schuylkill  had  had 
land  disputes  with  the  Dutch,  and  there  had  been  much 
bad  temper  displayed  on  both  sides. 

In  1654  Cromwell  sent  out  a fleet  to  take  the  country; 
but  peace  between  England  and  Holland  intervened  in 
England  t'1116  t0  »*ve  t0  ^ew  Netherland  a respite  of 
captures  ten  years.  In  1664  Charles  II.  revived  the 
Nether-  claim  that  Englishmen  had  discovered  the 

lands.  region  before  the  Dutch.  In  August  of  that 

year  Colonel  Nicolls  appeared  before  New  Amsterdam, 
then  a town  of  fifteen  hundred  inhabitants,  with  a fleet 
of  four  jyhips,  Having  on  board  four  liundred  and  fifty 
English  soldiers  and  Connecticut  volunteers,  ancHcfe- 
manded  its  surrender.  There  was  a stone  fort  and 
twenty  cannon ; but  the  enemy  were  too  strong  to  be 

7 , , . /-> yf',  OLAy-aML/L  IO-. 


203 


1654-1664-]  The  English  Conquest. 


Importance 
of  the  con-  Kennebec, 
quest. 


profitably  resisted.  Despite  Stuyvesant’s  protest,  “ I 
would  rather  be  carried  to  my  grave”  than  yield,  the 
white  flag  was  eagerly  run  up  by  the  frightened  town 
officers,  and  Dutch  rule  in  New  Amsterdam  came  to  an 
end. 

By  October  every  possession  of  Holland  in  North 
America  was  in  the  hands  of  the  English,  who  now  held 
the  Atlantic  coast  from  the  Savannah  to  the 
The  achievement  of  Nicolls  had 
rencIerecTit  possible  for  the  American  colonies 
to  unite,  and  thus  was  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the 
political  development  of  the  country.  , Had  King  Charles 
been  able  to  foresee  the  trend  of  events,  he  would  no 
doubt  have  been  glad  to  allow  the  Dutch  to  stand  as  an 
obstacle  to  the  union  of  his  transatlantic  possessions.) 

The  Duke  of  York  was  made  proprietor  of  the  con- 
quered .territory,  the  province  and  capital  being  now 
styled  New  York  ; Fort  Orange  was  rechris- 

Introduction  , , , 

of  English  tened  Albany.  But  beyond  the  change  of 
names,  little  was  done  to  inlerrupt  the  smooth 
current  of  life,  and  Dutch  customs  in  household  and 
trade  were  retained  so  far  as  practicable;  while  the  pub- 
lic offices  were  impartially  shared,  and  former  Dutch 
officials  were  consulted.  There  was  one  notable  act  of 
injustice  : all  land-grants  had  to  be  confirmed  by  the 
new  governor,  Nicolls,  and  fees  were  exacted  for  this 
service.  (Under  English  rule  the  prosperity  of  the 
colony  greatly  increased. 

86.  Development  of  New  York  (1664-1700). 

The  methods  of  local  self-government  were  quietly 
transformed.  Under  the  Dutch,  the  towns,  manors,  and 
Local  gov-  villages  held  direct  relations  with  the  West 
erament.  India  Company.  A systematic^  code  drawn 
by  Nicolls  and  a convention  of  the  settlers  (1665)  — 


204 


Middle  Colonies. 


[Ch.  IX. 


promulgated  as  “the  duke’s  laws”  — provided  for  town- 
meetings  for  the  election  in  each  town"Eya  “ plurality  of 
the  voices  of  the  freeholders,”  of  a constable  and  eight 
qverseers.  These  officers  were  the  governing  board  of 
the  town,  with  judicial  and  legislative  powers,  thus  differ- 
ing from  the  New  England  selectmen,  who  but  carried 
out  the  mandates  of  the  town-meeting.  There  was  cre- 
ate^ a judicial  district  called  a “ riding,”  with  an  area  em- 
bracing several  towns  and  preside  1 over  by  a sheriff.  In 
1683,  these  ridings  developed  into  counties  ;’  afterwards 
(1703),  it  was  arranged  that  a supervisor  was  to  be  elected 
by  the  freeholders  in  each  town,  to  represent  it  in  a 
county  board  whose  duties  were  chiefly  to  levy,  collect 
and  apportion  taxes.  Thus  we  see  the  genesis  in  the 
middle  colonies  of  the  mixed  system  of  local  government, 
— town  and  county  being  of  equal  importance,  with  elec- 
tive executive  officers  in  each  : it  was  a compromise  be- 
tween the  town  system  of  New  England  and  the  county 
system  of  Virginia  ; and  this  mixed  system  now  prevails 
in  perhaps  most  of  the  States  of  the  Union.  The  duke’s 
charter  enabled  him  to  make  all  laws,  without  asking  the 
advice  or  assistance  of  the  freemen.  By  “the  duke’s 
laws,”  power  was  vested  in  the  hands  of  the  governor 
and  council,  the  people  being  wholly  ignored  in  all  mat- 
ters above  the  affairs  of  the  riding.  Perfect  religious 
liberty  was  allowed  throughout  the  province. 

In  1672  England  and  Holland  were  again  at  war,  and 
Francis  Lovelace,  then  governor  of  New  York,  made 
Recapture  such  preparations  as  he  could  against  antici- 
by  the  pated  attack.  The  Dutch  colonists  had  had 
more  or  less  trouble  about  taxes  with  the  Eng- 
lish authorities,  and  there  had  been  some  friction  because 
the  duke  had  made  grants  to  Carteret  and  Berkeley  in 
what  afterwards  by  the  release  became  New  Jersey,  and 
thus  had  still  further  complicated  land-titles  ; but  in  gen- 


1665-16SS.]  Andros  in  New  York . 205 

eral  the  English  rule  had  been  borne  with  comparative 
equanimity.  Nevertheless,  the  Dutch  were  highly  de- 
lighted when  a fleet  from  Holland  appeared  before  the 
city  (1673),  and  easily  secured  the  surrender  of  the 
place. 

Fifteen  months  later  (1674)  the  treaty  of  Westminster 
England  ceded  the  province  back  to  England,  and  it 
again  in  became  New  York  once  more.  The  popula- 
possession.  (jQn  at  j^is  t;me  was  about  seven  thousand,  -j 

Edmund  Andros,  later  concerned  in  the  attempt  to  re- 
duce New  England  (page  174),  now  came  out  as  governor. 
The  rule  of  His  domestic  policy  was  wise,  and  the  proy- 
Andros.  jnce  experienced- a healthy  growth,  the  fur- 
trade  being  greatly  expanded  under  his  administration. 
Both  Nicolls  and  Andros  sought  to  neutralize  the  ill 
effects  of  the  New  Jersey  grants  by  contending  that  they 
were  still  tributary  to  New  York,  and  Andros,  in  particu- 
lar, adopted  aggressive  measures  to  maintain  what  he 
held  to  be  his  prerogative ; but  Carteret  and  Berkeley 
were  too  influential  at  court,  and  the  governor  was  re- 
called (16S0)  and  given  other  employment. 

Under  Gov.  Thomas  Dongan  (16S3-16S8)  the  govern- 
ment yielded  to  the  clamor  of  the  people,  who  pointed 
Charter  of  to  the  greater  freedom  allowed  the  New  Eng- 
hberties.  landers;  and  an  assembly  was  formed  com- 

posed of  eighteen  deputies  elected  by  the  freeholders. 
A charter  of  liberties  was  adopted  by  this  body,  with  the 
king’s  consent,  making  the  assembly  co-ordinate  with  the 
governor  and  council  ; freeholders  and  freemen  of  cor- 
porations were  invested  with  the  franchise ; . religious 
toleration  was  ordained  for  all  Christians taxes  were 
not  to  be  levied  without  the  assembly’s  sanction)  (but  all 
laws  were  to  require  the  assent  of  the  duke,  who  was 
also  to  grant  lands  and  establish  custom-houses?)  This 
liberal  treatment  was  of  short  duration.  The  Duke  of 


205 


Middle  Colo7iies. 


[Ch.  IX. 


York  came  to  the  throne  in  1685  as  James  II.,  and  his 
reign  was  signalized  by  depriving  his  subjects  in  New 
York  of  their  representative  government  (1686).  The 
governor  and  council  were  ordered  to  establish  the  Church 
of  England  in  the  province,  and  to  refuse  permits  to 
schools  not  licensed  by  the  Church. 

In  1688  New  York  was  annexed  to  New  England 
under  the  rule  of  Andros,  who  was  represented  in  New 
Leisler’s  York  by  a deputy,  Francis  Nicholson.  Later 
revolution.  ;n  the  year  news  came  of  the  Revolution  in 
England.  Jacob  Leisler,  an  energetic  but  uneducated 
German  shopkeeper,  who  had  come  out  as  a soldier  in 
the  West  India  Company’s  employ,  headed  the  militia 
in  driving  Nicholson  out  and  proclaiming  the  Prince  of 
Orange.  Leisler  assumed  the  government ; but  his  rule 
was  rash  and  arbitrary,  although  there  is  no  doubt  of 
his  patriotic  spirit,  and  soon  there  arose  a demand  from 
the  conservative  element  for  his  withdrawal.  By  various 
subterfuges,  however,  he  retained  office  for  three  years. 
His  term  was  distinguished  by  his  issuance  of  a call 
for  the  first  Colonial  Congress  held  in  America ; it  met 
at  Albany,  February,  1690,  with  seven  delegates,  chiefly 
from  New  England,  and  sought  to  organize  a retaliatory 
expedition  against  the  French  and  their  Algonkin  allies, 
who  had  recently  swept  Schenectady  with  fire  and  toma- 
hawk. The  following  year  (1691)  Leisler  was  forced  to 
surrender  to  the  royal  governor,  Col.  Henry  Sloughter, 
who  soon  after,  while  intoxicated,  was  induced  by  Leisler's 
enemies  to  sign  the  death-warrant  of  his  predecessor. 

. A representative  assembly  was  called,  which  annulled 
Leisler's  proceedings  and  formulated  a code  similar  to 
Closing  ear''er  charter  of  liberties.  Gov.  Benja- 

yearsofthe  min  Fletcher  (1692-1698)  was  notoriously  cor- 
rupt. He  levied  blackmarTorTthe  pirates  and 
smugglers  who  swarmed  in  the  harbors,  and  intrigued  for 


i6SS— 1701.]  Reorganization  of  New  York.  20 7 

money  with  members  of  the  assembly;  but  in  his  deal- 
ings with  the  hostile  French  and  Indians  he  was  firm 
and  successful.  In  1698  the  Earl  of  Bellomont  was  ap- 
pointed governor,  and  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Massa- 
chusetts, and  New  Hampshire  were  jointly  placed  under 
his  rule.  In  New  York  he  restored  order,  reduced 
crime,  and  rooted  out  corruption  and  piracy,  so  that 
when  he  died  (1701),  his  loss  was  sincerely  regretted. 

New  York  had  gone  through  a development  which 
down  to  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  marked  the 
Character-  colony  out  from  her  sisters.  No  other  colony 
jstics  of  New  had  a history  of  any  importance  before  the 
English  domination  ; in  no  other  colony  were  a 
foreign  race  and  a foreign  language  and  customs  so  in- 
trenched. No  colony  had  such  an  experience  of  control 
from  England.  The  history  of  New  York  up  to  1700  is 
chiefly  a history  of  administrations.  The  commercial 
pre-eminence  of  New  York  was  hardly  shown  in  colonial 
times.  Its  chief  importance  among  the  colonies  arose 
out  of  the  relations  with  the  Iroquois. 

v 8T)  Delaware  (1623-1700). 

We  have  seen  that  the  Dutch  West  India  Company 
established  (1623)  a trading  post,  called  Fort  Nassau, 
Early  Dutch  on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware  River  within 
settlers.  the  present  town  of  Gloucester,  N.  J.,  and 
four  miles  below  the  future  site  of  Philadelphia.  The 
settlers  were,  apportion  of  the  party  of  Walloons  sent  out 
to  America  in  that  year.  Eight  years  later  (1631),  De 
Vries,  Blommaert,  and  other  patroons  (page  199)  of  New 
Netherlands  founded  Swaanendael,  near  the  site  of 
Lewes,  Del.  ; but  a quarrel  soon  arose  between  the  new 
settlers  and  the  Indians,  resulting  in  the  complete  mas- 
sacre of  the  Swaanendael  colonists  and  the  driving  away 
of  the  garrison  at  Fort  Nassau.  In  1635  the  patroons 

'Q&XCJLl- 

0-y  Wu  t UhYZfyU-  \3L~£lsx_. 


208 


Middle  Colonics. 


[Ch.  IX. 


owning  lands  on  both  shores  of  Delaware  Day  and  River 
sold  their  possessions  to  the  Dutch  West  India  Company, 
and  a small  garrison  was  sent  by  the  latter  to  re-occupy 
Fort  Nassau.  A party  of  Englishmen  from  New  Haven 
attempted  that  year  to  settle  in  the  district,  but  were 
taken  to  New  Amsterdam  as  prisoners. 

A third  nation  now  appeared  upon  the  scene  as  a 
competitor  for  the  Delaware  country.  The  South  Com- 
pany of  Sweden  — which  purposed  trading  in 

The  South  \ d . r . , . . , ■ • 

Company  of  Asia,  Africa,  and  America,  but  especially  in 
Sweden.  tjie  ]as( — had  been  chartered  in  1624,  under 
the  auspices  of  the  enterprising  and  ambitious  Gustavus 
Adolphus,  by  Willem  Usselinx,  an  Amsterdam  merchant, 
founder  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company.  Usselinx 
had  become  embittered  against  the  Dutch  company, 
which  pursued  a narrow  and  exclusive  policy  ; and  with 
him  in  this  new  enterprise  were  associated  several  who 
had  been  formerly  connected  with  the  Dutch  corporation. 
Among  these  were  Samuel  Blommaert,  one  of  the  chief 
patroons  in  the  Delaware  region,  and  Peter  Minuit,  a 
Walloon,  once  governor  at  New  Amsterdam.  Minuit  led 
the  first  Swedish  trading  colony  to  the  Delaware  River 
(1638),  and  erected  Fort  Christina  on  the  future  site  of 
Wilmington,  Del. 

The  governor  at  New  Amsterdam,  Kieft,  protested 
loudly  against  this  invasion  of  soil  claimed  by  the  Dutch, 

. j although  it  was  clearly  within  the  grant  al- 
on  the  Dela-  ready  made  to  Lord  Baltimore  by  the  English, 
ware-  who  probably  had  as  good  right  in  the  district 

as  the  Dutch.  The  latter  had  indeed  for  a time  allowed 
it  to  revert  to  the  Indians,  after  their  first  colonizing 
attempt.  Kieft  rebuilt  Fort  Nassau,  a menace  to  which 
the  Swedes  replied  by  fortifying  the  island  of  Tinicum, 
six  miles  below  the  mouth  of  the  Schuylkill,  thus  plant- 
ing the  first  colony  in  Pennsylvania  as  well  as  in  Dela- 


209 


-i656] 


New  Sweden. 


ware.  In  1643  this  island  became  the  seat  of  Swedish 
government. 

New  Sweden  prospered.  The  settlers  were  industri- 

_ . ous,  thrifty,  intelligent,  ancTcontented.  Along 

Prosperity  — v 4’  ® 

of  New  the  shores  of  Delaware  River  and  Bay  were 

Sweden.  scattered  neat  hamlets,  and  the  company’s  fur- 

trade  was  extended  far  into  the  interior. 

'.  In  1641  two  English  settlements  were  made  on  the 
river  by  New  Haven  men  ; but  there  was  good  reason  to 
Swedish  ag-  distrust  the  new-comers,  who  belonged  to  a 
gressiveness  land-hungry  race,  and  Dutch  and  Swedes 
united  to  drive  them  out.  ) Possibly  the  Swedes  might 
have  finally  settled  down  into  friendly  neighborhood  re- 
lations with  the  Dutch,  had  not  the  Swedish  governor 
John  Printz.  adopted  an  aggressive  attitude  towards  the 
New  Netherlanders.  This  led  to  reprisals.  Stuyvesant, 
who  succeeded  Kieft  at  New  Amsterdam,  built  Fort 
Casimir,  near  the  present  city  of  Newcastle,  Del.,  below 
the  Swedish  forts  (1651),  and  thus  endeavored  to  cut 
them  ofF from  ocean  communication.  In  1654  a Swedish 
war- vessel  anchored  before  Casimir, 


luu. 


. ..-  , which 

ends  in  the  . . , . r ,{■ 

fall  of  New  was  quietly  surrendered.  I he  next  year  (1055) 

Sweden.  Stuyvesant  raised  an  army  of  six 


an  army  ot  six  or  seven 
hundred  men,  which  suddenly  appeared  on  the  Delaware, 
overawed  the  Swedes,  and  compelled  them  to  abandon 
control  of  the  region.  Thus  New  Sweden  fell,  amid  a 
storm  of  protest,  but  without  bloodshed. 

Part  of  the  Delaware  country  was  sold  by  the  Dutch 
West  India  Company  to  the  city  of  Amsterdam  (1656).  ' 
The  Dutch  The  officers  sent  out  by  the  municipality  were 
domination,  as  a rule  inefficient,  and  the  colony  declined  ; 
bad_crops,  famine,  disease,  Indian  troubles,  quarrels 
and 


with  New  Netherland,  and  boundary  difficulties  with 
the  English  in  Maryland,  being  additional  reasons  for 
retrogression. 


14 


210 


Middle  Colonies. 


[Ch.  IX. 


The  city  had  just  acquired  the  whole  of  the  Delaware 
River  region,  when  the  English  took  possession  (1664), 
English  rule  and  Amsterdam  rule  was  succeeded  by  that  of 
established.  the  Du[<e  0f  York,  with  laws  similar  to  those 
in  vogue  elsewhere  in  his  province.  There  were  a few 
outbreaks,  but  as  a rule  both  Dutch  and  Swedes  pros- 
pered under  English  domination. 

The  cjistrict  was  for  some  time  the  object  of  contention 
by  rival  English  claimants.  Maryland  and  New  Jersey 
both  wanted  it,  but  Penn  finally  secured  a 

Annexed  to  y~'r" , , . , . 

Pennsyl-  grant  of  the  country  (1682),  to  give  his  prov- 
vama'  ince  of  Pennsylvania  an  outlet  to  the  sea. 

Delaware,  now  known  as  “the  territories,”  “ lower  coun- 
ties,” or  “Delaware  hundreds”  of  Pennsylvania,  was 
for  many  years  the  source  of  much  anxiety  to  its  Quaker 
proprietor,  for  political  jealousy  of  the  “province,”  or 
Pennsylvania  proper,  gave  rise  to  much  popular  discon- 
tent. In  1691  the  “territories”  were  granted  a separate 
assembly  and  a deputy-governor.  »But  the  “ territories  ” 
and  the  “province”  were  reunited  under  Fletcher’s  tem- 
porary rule  (1693),  and  so  remained  until  1703,  when 
Delaware  was  recognized  as  a separate  colony,  with  an 
assembly  of  its  own,  although  under  the  same  governor- 
ship as  Pennsylvania. 

,The  separate  existence  of  Delaware  was  almost  an 

accident.  The  colony  was  unjustly  cut  out  of 

luirjictcr-  k — -•  ' * 

istics  o£  the  Maryland  grant,  and  was  little  more  than 

Delaware.  a strjp  along  Chesapeake  Bay.  j It  remained 

down  to  the  Revolution  the  smallest  and  least  important 

of  all  the  colonies. 


‘88.,  New  Jersey  (1664-1738). 

We  have  already  noticed  the  erection  of  Fort  Nassau 
by  the  Dutch,  and  the  struggle  over  the  possession  of  the 
banks  of  Delaware  River  and  Bay  between  the  Dutch, 


21  I 


JCJ64-166S.]  Delaware  and  New  Jersey. 


the  Swedes,  and  the  English.  When  the  Duke  of  York 
came  into  possession  of  the  country  (1664),  he  granted 
„ , , the  lands  between  the  Delaware  and  the  Hud- 

Berkeley 

and  Car-  son  to  Lord  Berkeley  and  Sir  George  Carteret, 
grant.  uncjer  t^e  name  0f  New  Jersey;  this  title  was 
in  compliment  to  Carteret,  who  had  been  governor  of  the 
island  of  Jersey  and  bravely  held  it  for  Charles  II.  dur- 
ing the  Great  Rebellion.  New  Jersey  had  a hundred 
and  twenty  miles  of  sea-coast;  it  was  as  yet  sparsely 
settled;  it  had  a fixed  natural  boundary  on  the  west; 
and  it  was  considered  a particularly  desirable  seat  for 
colonization. 

The  new  proprietors  agreed  upon  a plan  of  government 
by  which  the  administration  of  affairs  was  placed  in  the 
. , hands  of  a governor,  council,  and  representa- 

Liberal  plan  . , , — 7-  . 7—  ~ . — 

of  govern-  tive  assembly,  as  in  the  other  colonies  ; the 
proprietors  reserved  the  right  to  annul  laws 
and  to  control  the"  official  appointments.  There  was  to 
be  religious  liberty  to  all  “who  do  not  actually  disturb 
the  civil  peace  of  said  province ; ” and  all  who  were 
subjects  of  the  king  and  swore  fealty  to  him  “ and  faith- 
fulness to  the  lords,  shall  be  admitted  to  plant  and  be- 
come freemen.’’ 

Philip  Carteret,  a nephew  of  Sir  George,  came  out 
(1665)  as  governor,  and  with  him  a body  of  English  emi- 
^ f grants,  who  founded  the  town  of  Elizabe'h. 
laws  There  were  already  on  the  ground,  at  Bergen, 

framed.  a num]jer  of  Dutch  and  Swedes,  while  at 
Shrewsbury  were  several  English  sectaries,  exiles  from 
Connecticut  and  Long  Island,  who  had  purchased  land 
from  the  Indians. ' Other  New  Englanders  settled  Mid- 
dletown and  Newark  in  1666.  Soon  after  the  arrival  of 
Carteret,  several  more  companies  came  out  to  New  Jer- 
sey from  the  Eastern  colonies,  together  with  a plentiful 
sprinkling  of  Scotch  In  May,  1668,  deputies  from  each 


212 


Middle  Colonies. 


[Ch.  IX 


of  the  towns  met  at  Elizabeth  to  frame  a body  of  laws 
for  the  colony.  The  Puritan  element  strongly  influenced 
the  code,  particularly  in  the  penalties  for  crime,  which 
were  remarkable  for  their  severity. 

Throughout  1672  there  was  much  turbulence,  owing  to 
disputes  about  quit-rents  between  the  inhabitants  and 
The  Quaker  the  proprietors.  Berkeley  was  by  this  time 
purchase.  thoroughly  dissatisfied,  and  sold  his  undivided 
moiety  of  the  province  for  a thousand  pounds  to  a party 
of  Quakers  who  desired  to  found  a retreat  for  their  sect; 
nine  tenths  of  this  purchase  soon  (1674)  fell  into  the 
hands  of  William  Penn  and  other  Friends  who  were  as- 
sociated with  him.  Two  years  later  (1676)  the  Penn 
party  purchased  the  remainder  of  the  Quaker  interest. 

In  1673  the  Dutch  recaptured  the  district.  When 
they  were  obliged  by  treaty  (1674)  to  give  it  back  to  the 
The  Jerseys  English,  Charles  II.  and  the  Duke  of  York 
divided.  reaffirmed  Sir  George  Carteret’s  claim  in  New 


Jersey.  The  new  charter  for  the  first  time  made  a divi- 
sion  of  the  country,  giving  Carteret  the  eastern  part,  — 
much  more  than  one  haffT— -and  leaving  the  rest  to  the 
Quaker  proprietors.  In  1676,  Carteret  and  the  Quakers 
agreed  upon  a boundary  line,  running  from  Little  Egg 
Harbor  northwest  to  the  Delaware,  at  410  40'. 

In  West  New  Jersey  the  Quakers  set  up  a liberal 
government,  in  which  the  chief  features  were  religious 
West  New  toleration,  a representative  assembly,  and  an 
Jersey.  executive  council,  whose  members  — “ten 

honest  and  able  men  fit  for  government”  — were  to  be 
elected  by  the  assembly.  As  a proprietary  body,  the 
framers  of  these  ^‘'"concessions  and  agreements  ” re- 
tained no  authority  for  themselves  ; they  truly  said, 
“ We  put  the  power  in  tire  people.”  To  this  refuge  for 
the  oppressed,  four  hundred  Quakers  came  out  from 
England  in  1677. 


i668-i688.] 


The  Jerseys. 


213 


Sir  George  Carteret  died  in  1680,  and  in  1682  Wil- 
liam Penn  and  twenty-four  associates — among  whom 
East  New  were  several  Scotch  Presbyterians  — pur- 
Jet-sey.  chased  East  New  Jersey  from  the  Carteret 
heirs.  (A  government  was  established  similar  to  that 
in  the  western  colony,  except  that  the  new  proprietors 
and  their  deputies  were  to  form  the  executive  council. 
In  neither  colony  were  the  public  offices  restricted  to 
Quakers,  and  every  Christian  possessed  the  elective 
franchise. 

Both  the  Jerseys  had  made  excellent  progress  ; but  for 
several  years  there  was  difficulty  with  Andros  (page  205), 
Troubi  with  vv'10  cla*med  that  the  country  was  still  the 
the  Duke  of  property  of  the  Duke  of  York  and  therefore 
within  his  jurisdiction,  and  who  attempted  to 
,evy  taxes.  There  was  much  bitterness  over  the  dis- 
pute, in  the  course  of  which  Andros  displayed  a despotic 
temper;  but  in  the. end  the  duke’s  claims  were  overruled 
by  the  English  arbitrator. 

When  the  duke  ascended  the  throne  as  James  II.,  he 
had  writs  of  quo  warranto  issued  (1686)  against  the 
Jersey  governments  on  the  ground  of  whole- 
takes  posses-  sale  smuggling  by  the  residents.  Under  this 
si°n.  pressure  the  patents  were  surrendered  to  the 

Crown  (1688),  so  far  as  the  government  was  concerned, 
but  there  was  a proviso  that  the  landed  rights  of  the 
proprietors  were  to  be  undisturbed.  Andros  took  the 
two  colonies  under  his  charge;  thus  he  was  now  gov- 
ernor of  all  the  country  north  and  east  of  the  Dela- 
ware, except  New  Hampshire.  But  though  united  to 
the  northern  colonies,  the  Jerseymen  did  not  cease  to 
assert  their  independence.  Andros  again  attempted 
to  levy  taxes  upon  them,  and  they  opposed  him  as 
stubbornly  as  ever,  claiming  that  there  could  be  no 
lawful  taxation  without  representation.  With  the  pro- 

tota.AiAlL  G .oka  (I  ■ 


214 


Middle  Colonies. 


[Ch.  IX. 


4 


prietors  also  they  had  ceaseless  bickerings  over  the 
quit-rents.  Affairs  were  in  a feverish  state  until  the 
former,  tired  of  keeping  up  the  profitless  discussion, 
and  now  rent  by  dissensions  in  their  councils,  surren- 
dered all  their  claims  to  the  Crown  (1702).  The  policy 
of  James  was  to  unite  the  colonies,  and  bring  them  into, 
greater  dependence.  \ 

New  Jersey,  at  last  reunited,  was  made  a royal  colony  ; 
but  until  1738,  when  giverpa  governor  of  its  own,  U was 
New  Jer-  under  the  administration  of  the  governor  of 

sey’s  condi-  New  York,  who  ruled  through  a deputy.  The 

t,onasa  t — r; — : — , . 

royal  prov-  New  Jersey  council  was  appointed  by  the 

lnce-  king,  and  there  was  a popularly  elected  repre- 

sentative assembly.  (au  Christian  sects  were  tolerated, 
but  Roman  Catholics  were  denied  political  privileges 
There  was  a property  qualification  for  suffrage,  — the 
possession  of  two  hundred  acres  of  land,  or  other  prop- 
erty worth  ^50.  The  inhabitants  were  generally  pros- 
perous. Their  isolated  geographical  position  secured 
them  immunity  from  attacks  by  hostile  Indians  ; they 
had  scrupulously  purchased  the  lands  from  the  native 
inhabitants,  and  with  the  few  who  were  now  left  they 
maintained  friendly  relations.  The  new  government 
brought  them  greater  political  security,  and  under  it  they 
thrived  even  better  than  before. 

The  annals  of  New  Jersey  are  like  the  population  and 
political  system,  — confused  and  uninteresting.  It  was 
^ many  years  before  a tradition  of  common  in- 

isticsofNew  terest  could  be  established  between  East  and 
Jersey-  West  New  Jersey.  One  of  the  most  remarka- 
ble lessons  in  government  furnisTTed  by  the  colony  vvas  a 
decision  of  the  courts  that  an  Act  of  the  assembly  was 
void  because  not  in  accordance  with  the  frame  of 
government. 


1676-1682.]  Pennsylvania  Founded. 


215 


\ 89.  Pennsylvania  (1681-1718). 

In  1676  William  Penn,  prominent  among  the  English 
Quakers,  became  financially  concerned,  with  others  of 
Penn’s  his  sect,  in  the  colony  of  West  New  Jersey, 

charter.  and  thereby  acquired  an  interest  in  American 

colonization.  His  father,  an  admiral  in  the  English  navy, 
had  left  him  (1670)  a claim  against  the  government  for 
sixteen  thousand  pounds ; in  lieu  of  this  he  induced 
Charles  II.  (1681)  to  give  him  a proprietary  charter  of 
forty  thousand  square  miles  in  America.  The  king 
called  the  region  Pennsylvania,  in  honor  of  the  admiral, 
but  against  the  protest  of  the  grantee,  who  “feared  lest 
it  be  looked  on  as  vanity  in  me.” 

Penn  at  once  widely  advertised  his  dominions.  He 
offered  to  sell  one  hundred  acres  of  land  for  £2,  subject 
Hiscoloniza-  t0  a small  quit-rent,  and  even  servants  might 
tion  scheme,  acquire  half  this  amount.  He  proposed  to 
establish  a popular  government,  based  on  the  principle 
of  exact  justice  to  all,  red  and  white,  regardless  of  re- 
ligious beliefs;  there  was  to  be  trial  by  jury;  murder 
and  treason  were  to  be  the  only  capital  crimes  ; and 
punishment  for  other  offences  was  to  have  reformation, 
not  retaliation,  in  view.  By  the  terms  of  the  charter 
Penn  was,  in  conjunction  with  and  by  the  consent  of 
the  free-men,  to  make  all  necessary  laws.  The  pro- 
posals of  the  new  proprietor  were  received  with  enthu- 
siasm among  the  people  of  his  religious  faith  throughout 
England. 

In  October,  three  ship-loads  of  Quaker  emigrants  were 
sent  out,  and  a year  later  (1682)  Penn  himself  followed, 
with  a hundred  fellow-passengers.  At  the  time  of  his 
arrival  the  Dutch  had  a church  at  Newcastle,  Del., 
which  was  within  his  grant,  the  Swedes  had  churches 
at  Christina,  Tinicum,  and  Wicacoa,  and  Quaker  meet 


Middle  Colonies. 


21 6 


[Ch.  XI 


ing-houses  were  established  at  Chester,  Sliakamaxon, 
and  near  the  lower  falls  of  the  Delaware. 

The  constitution  drawn  up  by  Penn  for  his  colony 
provided  that  the  proprietor  was  to  choose  the  governor, 
Constitution  but  the  people  were  to  elect  the  members  of 
and  laws.  the  council,  and  also  deputies  to  a representa- 
tive assembly  ; it  was  practically  the  West  New  Jersey 
plan.  The  laws  decided  upon  by  the  first  assembly, 
convened  by  the  proprietor  soon  after  his  arrival,  were 
beneficent.  They  included  provisions  for  the  humane 
treatment  of  Indians  ; for  the  teaching  of  a trade  to  each 
child;  for  the  useful  employment  of  criminals  in  prisons  ; 
for  religious  toleration,  with  the  qualification  that  all  pub- 
lic officers  must  be  professing'  Christians,  and  private 
citizens  believers  in  God.  The  principles  set  forth  in 
Penn’s  original  announcement  were  thus  given  the  sanc- 
tion of  law. 

A distinction  was  made  between  the  original  Pennsyl- 
vania, as  granted  by  the  king  to  Penn,  and  the  territory 
Relations  afterwards  known  as  Delaware,  which  the 
between  the  latter  had  obtained  in  a special  grant  from  the 
ties  ” and  Duke  of  York,  — the  royal  grant  being  known 
the  province  as  t<  the  province,”  and  the  purchase  from 
the  duke  as  “the  territories,’' of  Pennsylvania.  In  the 
province  three  counties  were  established,  and  in  the 
territories  three  more.  These  counties  were  given  pop- 
ularly elected  governing  boards,  and  were  made  the  unit 
of  representation  in  the  assembly;  the  towns  were  merely 
administrative  subdivisions  of  the  counties,  without  any 
ffirm  of  local  government. 

Penn  was  eminently  successful  in  treating  with  the 
Indians  in  his  neighborhood.  Circumstances 
favored  him  greatly  in  this  regard,  but  never- 
theless much  was  due  to  his  shrewd  diplomacy 
and  humane  spirit ; and  for  a long  period  the  Quaker 
'CH  <rs 


Relations 
with  the 
Indians. 


O. 


16S4-1 75°  ] Disquiet  in  Pennsylvania.  217 

district  of  Pennsylvania  was  exempt  from  the  border 
warfare  which  harassed  most  of  the  other  colonies. 

Obliged  to  return  to  England  in  1684,  Penn  did  not 
again  visit  his  American  possessions  until  fifteen  years 
Political  had  elapsed,  and  then  but  for  a brief  time 
turbulence.  (1699-1701).  This  intervening  period  was 
one  of  continuous  political  disquiet  for  the  proprietor 
and  the  colonists  alike,  despite  the  fact  that  the  mate- 
rial condition,  of  the  people  — Quakers,  Swedes,  Dutch, 
Germans,  and  Welsh  alike  — continued  to  improve.  A 
boundary  dispute  with  Maryland  required  the  interven- 
tion of  the  English  government  (1685)  as  an  arbitrator; 
during  two  years  (1692-1694),  Penn  was  dispossessed  of 
his  colony  by  the  Crown  ; and  the  turbulent  “territories” 
gave  him  so  much  trouble  that  he  sought  peace  by  erect- 
ing them  into  the  separate  colony  of  Delaware  in  1703. 

Dissensions,  however,  did  not  cease  either  in  the 
provinces  or  in  Delaware.  Penn  died  in  1718,  leaving  to 
his  heirs  a legacy  of  petty  but  harassing  disputes  which 
lasted  until  the  Revolution. 

Planted  as  Pennsylvania  was,  half  a century  after  the 
earlier  Southern  and  New  England  colonies,  and  aided 
by  rich  men  and  court  favorites,  its  progress  was  rapid 
and  its  prosperity  assured  from  the  beginning.  The  pa- 
Characteris-  c’^c  P°^c}’  °f  Penn  towards  the  Indians  saved 
tics  of  Penn-  his  colony  from  the  expense  and  danger  of 
sylvan'3-  frontier  wars.  ( Nevertheless  from  the  begin- 
ning the  colony  showed  the  same  indisposition  to  sub- 
mit to  the  control  of  proprietors  that  had  so  disturbed 
Maryland  and  the  Carolinas.  Notwithstanding,  Penn- 
sylvania shortly  became  the  most  considerable  of  the 
middle  colonies,  and  eventually  equalled  Virginia  and 
Massachusetts  in  importance. 


218 


Middle  Colonies . 


[Ch.  x. 


/ 

CHAPTER  X. 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  CONDITIONS  IN  THE 
MIDDLE  COLONIES  IN  1700. 


90.  References. 

Bibliographies.  — As  in  § 82  above. 

Historical  Maps.  — As  in  § 82  above. 

General  Accounts.  — H.  C.  Lodge,  Colonies  227-262  (Pennsyl- 
vania and  Delaware),  273-284  (New  Jersey),  312-340  (New  York)  ; 
much  is  applicable  to  1700;  E.  G.  Scott,  Development  of  Constitu- 
tional Liberty , 154-163;  Edward  Eggleston,  United  States  and  its 
People,  91-113,  and  articles  in  the  Century  Magazine  cited  in  § 29 
above;  C.  W.  Baird,  Huguenot  Emigration,  I.  14S-200.  See  also 
histories  of  the  separate  colonies,  § 82  above. 

Special  Histories. — Topography:  J.  D.  Whitney,  United 
States ; introduction  to  the  State  Histories,  as  Roberts,  New  York, 
I.  120-127;  Scharf,  Delaware . 1-4.  Dutch  Society:  narratives  enu- 
merated in  § 82  ; Stone,  New  York  City,  69-105  ; Dankers  and  Sluy- 
ter,  Journal  of  a Voyage  to  New  York  (1679).  Industries  : New 
York  and  New  Jersey,  Documents,  passim. 

Contemporary  Accounts.  — As  in  § 82  above. 


91.  Geographical  Conditions  in  the  Middle  Colonies. 

The  middle  section  of  the  Atlantic  plain  in  the  United 
States  is  distinguished  by  three  deep  indentations,  — 
Chesapeake,  Delaware,  and  New  York  bays;. 
Geography.  eacjj  0£  t]iese  js  the  expanded  mouth  of  a com- 
prehensive river  system,  and  furnishes  abundant  anchor- 
age, — Mew  York  bay  being  the  finest  harbor  on  the 
continent.  Along  the  coast  south  of  New  York  is  a 
low,  level  base-plain  of  sand  and  clay,  from  twenty-five  to 


Ch.  X.] 


219 


Geography. 

fifty  miles  in  width,  the  larger  towns  being  generally 
situated  on  the  uplands  beyond.  The  Appalachian 
mountains  extend  in  several  ridges  across  the  middle 
district  from  southwest  to  northeast,  the  highest  eleva- 
tions being  those  of  the  Catskill  group  in  southeastern 
New  York,  where  Slide  Mountain  towers  4,205  feet  above 
seaTevel.  New  Jersey  is  largely  occupied  by  the  base- 
plain,  with  hills  in  the  northwest.  From  the  eastern 
range  of  mountains,  the  surface  of  New  York  slopes 
gently  down,  with  great  diversity,  to  Lake  Ontario ; the 
mountains  are  rent  by  the  interesting  and  important 
water-gap  of  the  Mohawk  valley,  which  in  an  earlier  geo- 
logical age  connected  the  lake  basin  with  the  trough  of 
the  Hudson.  Pennsylvania  has  three  distinct  topograph- 
ical divisions  : (1)  the  highly  fertile  district  between  the 
Blue  Mountains  and  the  sea,  — including  Delaware;  (2) 
Uie.jniddJejDeltof  elevated  valleys,  separated  by  low  par- 
allel ridges  of  mountains  rich  in  anthracite  coal  and  iron 
ore ; (3)  the  upland  north  and  west  of  the  mountain  walls, 
sloping  down  to  the  tributaries  of  the  Ohio  with  a wealth 
of  bituminous  coal,  oil,  and  natural  gas. ; 

In  the  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  hills  the  numerous 
rivers  of  the  region  have  their  rise.  These  rivers  either 
intermix-  ^ow  westward  into  the  Mississippi  basin,  north- 
ling  river-  ward  into  the  Great  Lakes,  eastward  into  the 
systems.  deep  cleft  cut  through  the  mountains  by  the 

Hudson,  or  southward  into  the  estuaries  of  the  Delaware 
and  Chesapeake.  Within  a short  distance  of  each  other 
are  waters  which  will  reach  the  Atlantic  ocean  by  three 
divergent  routes,  — through  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  the  Gulf 
of  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  bays  we  have  mentioned.  This 
fact  has  had  a potent  influence  on  the  course  of  American 
settlement  and  trade,  which  have  persistently  followed 
the  water  highways  into  the  interior  of  the  continent;  and 
along  those  rivers  were  fought  two  great  wars. 


220 


Middle  Colonies. 


[Ch.  X. 


The  ease  with  which  the  French  and  English  in 
America  could  approach  each  other,  along  the  almost 
Their  his-  continuous  water-route  formed  by  Hudson 
torical  sig-  River  and  Lake  Champlain  and  their  tribu- 
L'  taries,  made  this  central  region  the  theatre  of  a 
protracted  and  desperate  struggle  throughout  the  French 
and  Indian  war;  while  we  shall  see  that  during  the  Revo- 
lution the  Hudson  was  regarded  as  the  key  to  the  mili- 
tary situation.  It  has  already  been  remarked  (page  202) 
how  important  the  English  government  deemed  the 
possession  of  the  Hudson,  in  1664,  as  a means  to  the 
unification  of  the  Anglo-American  empire.  Through  its 
Mohawk  arm,  waters  running  into  the  Great  Lakes  could 
be  readily  reached. 

The  soil  in  the  middle  district,  back  from  the  sandy 
coast-belt,  is  for  the  most  part  fertile.  Originally  the 
Soil  and  entire  country  was  densely  wooded,  even  to 
climate.  the  summits  of  the  mountains,  which  nowhere 

rise  to  the  snow-line.  The  climate  is,  judged  by  the 
record  of  average  temperature,  an  agreeable  compromise 
between  New  England  and  the  South  ; although,  as  else- 
where on  the  Atlantic  slope,  it  is  subject  to  rapid  and 
extreme  variations.  Penn  wrote  that  the  “weather  often 
changeth  without  notice,  and  is  constant  almost  in  its 
inconstancy.” 


92. 1 People  of  the  Middle  Colonies. 

The  population  of  the  middle  colonies  was  noted  for  its 
heterogeneous  character.  New  York  was  first  settled  by 
Population  ^ie  Dutch,  who  ruled  the  district  for  fifty  years, 
of  New  After  the  English  conquest  (1664^  Dutch  im- 
migration practically  ceased ; nevertheless  in 
1700  a majority  of  the  whites  were  Dutch,  although  the 
English,  more  of  whom  had  emigrated  from  New  Eng- 


Ch.  X.] 


Population. 


221 


land  than  from  the  parent  isle,  were  widely  spread  and 
politically  dominant.  There  were  in  1700  about  twenty-/ 
five_  thousand  inhabitants,  perhaps  two  thousand  five 
hundred  being  blacks.  Besides  the  prevailing  Dutch  and 
English,  there  were  many  French  Huguenots,  a number 
of  Palatine  Germans  who  had  fled  from  persecution  at 
home,  and  a few  Tews.  The  New  York  colonists  chiefly 
dwelt  on  the  islands  and  shores  of  New  York  bay,  and 
the  banks  of  the  Hudson  and  Mohawk.  Beyond  this 
thin  fringe  of  settlement,  the  forest  wall  was  for  the  most 
part  still  unbroken.  Agricultural  development  was  as 
yey  sjow,  but  the  fur-trade  was  spreading  far  into  the 
interior. 

East  Jersey  had  a population  of  about  ten  thousand,  fo , 
composed  of  Quakers,  New  England  men,  and  Scotch 
of  the  Presbyterians.  Of  the  Jour  thousand  inhabi- 
Jerseys.  tants  of  West  Jersey,  the  Quakers  were  the 
prevailing  element.  The  population  of  New  Jersey  was 
homogeneous,  being  very  largely  English  ; the  few  Dutch, 
Germans,  and  Swedes  having  little  effect  on  the  character 
of  the  colony.  J ersey-men  were  vigorous  and  quick-witted, 
although~Governor  Belcher  (1748-1 757)  wrote,  “ They  are 
a very  rustical  people,  and  deficient  in  learning.” 

Pennsylvania  and  Delaware  had,  together,  a population 
of  about  twenty  thousand  in  1700,  having  developed  more 
and  of  Penn-  raP'dly  than  any  other  of  the  American  colonies, 
sylvania  and  Somewhat  over  one  half  were  English  Ouak- 

T)p1R  yjij  ^ ..  — 

ers,  the  others  being  sectaries  from  New  Eng- 
land, French,  Dutch,  Germans,  Swedes,  Finns,  Welsh, 
and  Scotch-Irish  Presbyterians.  The  Germans  moved 
in  large  numbers  to  what  were  then  the  western  borders, 
where  they.evolved  a distinct  dialect,  popularly  known 
as  “Pennsylvania  Dutch.”  (Although  valuable  pioneers 
of  civilization,  they  exhibited  a stubborn  temper,  which, 
with  their  strong  opposition  to  the  bearing  of  arms,  made 


222 


Middle  Colonics. 


[Ch.  X. 


them  untrustworthy  during  the  French  and  Indian  wars. 
The  rugged,  liberty-loving  Scotch-Irish  were  a later 
acquisition.  The  pure  Irish,  destined  to  become  so 
prominent  on  the  frontier,  did  not  commence  arriving 
until  1719.  The  Swedes  were  strong,  sturdy,  and  simple 
agriculturists.  The  English  Quakers  were  of  the  middle 
class  of  tradesmen  and  small  farmers.  : Their  prejudice 
against  taking  up  arms  made  it  difficult  for  the  colonial 
military  officers  to  defend  the  province  against  the  dis- 
astrous Indian  forays  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  was 
a fruitful  source  of  political  and  social  disturbance. 

By  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  a people  had 
grown  up  in  most  of  the  middle  colonies  which  was 
largely  English  in  composition,  with  habits  of  speech, 
thought,  and  manner  greatly  affected  by  English  tradi- 
tions, but  still  much  modified  by  the  liberal  infusion  of 
blood  from  kindred  nationalities  on  the  continent  of 
Europe.  The  eager,  enterprising  spirit  of  the  English, 
quickened  by  removal  to  the  New  World,  had,  after  a 
generation  or  two  of  amalgamation,  been  noticeably  tem- 
pered by  the  phlegmatic  temperament  of  the  German, 
Dutch,  and  Scandinavian  settlers. 

93.  Social  Classes. 

In  the  middle  colonies,  as  in  New  England  and  the 
South,  there  existed  an  acknowledged  aristocracy,  al- 
though  there  was  a wide  gap  between  the 
haughty  and  elegant  Dutch  manor-chiefs  in 
New  York  and  the  rude  gentlemen  farmers  who  headed 
New  Jersey  society.  The  servile  classes  common  to  the 
Southern  colonies  were  also  present  here,  as  a foundation 
for  jiristocratic  distinction  ; but  they  were  comparatively 
insignificant  in  number.  Nowhere  in  this  middle  gnnip 
was  free  white  labor  regarded  as  degrading;  nearly  all 


ch.  X ] Social  Classes  and  Slaves. 


223 


Slavery. 


the__cplonists  were  workers,  whether  behind  the  desk 
or  the  counter,  in  the  shop  or  in  the  field.  \Trade  was 
exalted  to  a high  station.) 

New  York  had  many  negroes,  left  over  from  the 
Dutch  rule,  but  there  was  a strong  physical  prejudice 
against  them,  and  their  further  importation 
was  gradually  restricted.  In  1711  and  1741, 

' on  insufficient  evidence,  the  blacks  were  accused  of  plots 
against  the  whites  of  New  York  city,  and  were  cruelly 
dealt  with,  — on  the  former  occasion  nineteen  were 
hanged:  on  the  latter,  eighteen  suffered  death  bv  the 
gallows,  and  thirteen  were  burned  at  the  stake.  The  laws 
' .against  negroes  were  harsh  in  all  of  the  middle  colonies.  - 
But  in  practice,  slaves  were  mildly  treated,  compared 
with  those  in  the  South.  The  Quakers  were  opposed  to 
human  bondage  on  principle,  yet  many  employed  slaves, 
chiefly  as  house-servants.  ( There  were  numerous  in- 
dented_  servants,  especially  in  Pennsylvania,  and  most 
stringent  laws  were  adopted  for  their  regulation.  From 
these  and  the  negroes  the  criminal  class  was  recruited. 

I Among  Pennsylvania  Quakers  were  formed  the  first  abo- 
lition societies.  \ 

No  aristocrats  in  America  so  nearly  resembled  the 
nobility  of  the  Old  World  as  the  great-landed  Dutch 
TheDutch  proprietors  in  New  York,  — such  as  the  Van 
aristocrats.  Rensselaers,  the  Cortlandts,  and  the  Living- 
stons. Their  vast  estates  up  the  Hudson,  granted  to 
their  fathers  in  the  days  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Com- 
pany, were  rented  out  to  tenant-farmers,  over  whom  they 
ruled  in  princely  fashion,  dispensing  justice,  and  bounti- 
fully feasting  the  tenants  on  semi-annual  rent-days.  Some 
of  these  estates  were  entitled  to  representatives  in  the 
assembly,  and  the  lords  of  the  manor  practically  held 
such  appointments  in  their  keeping.  There  was  an  im- 
passable gulf  between  the  rural  aristocrats  and  the  small 


W 


224  Middle  Colonies.  [Ch.  x. 

freeholders  and  tradesmen.  ( This  condition  of  affairs 
was  not  calculated  to  encourage  settlement;  and  out  of 
these  feudal  privileges,  often  harshly  exercised,  there 
arose  conflicts  which  became  riotous  as  the  Revolution 
approached.  ) 

The  aristocrats  of  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware  were 
also  the  wealthy  landed  gentry,  chiefly  Penn’s  followers; 
Aristocracy  but  *be  c^ass  was  not  strongly  marked,  and 
among  the  almost  imperceptibly  faded  away  into  the 
Quakers.  ranks  0f  the  merchants  and  small  freeholders. 
Each  village,  however,  had  its  Quaker  “ squire  ” or  magis- 
trate, irT'pbwdered  wig,  broad  ruffles,  cocked  hat,  and 
gold-headed  cane,  who  meted  out  justice  at  the  neigh- 
boring tavern  and  was  highly  regarded.  ( Rich  and  poor 
alike,  among  the  Quakers,  were  simple  in  tastes  and  hab- 
its. ^n  New  Jersey  there  was  a mild  recognition  of  the 
social  superiority  of  the  gentlemen  farmers,  notwith- 
standing a strong  underlying  spirit  of  democracy ; a rude 
plenty  prevailed,  and  the  gentlemen’s  houses  were  not 
without  some  degree  of  elegance. 


94.  Occupations. 

The  judicial  system  was  very  similar  to  that  which 
obtained  elsewhere  in  America.  In  each  province  was 
Ti,e  profes-  an  upPer  court,  consisting  of  a chief  justice 
si°ns.  and  associates,  appointed  by  the  governor; 

from  this  an  appeal  might  go  in  important  cases  to  the 
governor  and  council,  and  in  causes  involving  ,£200  or 
over,  to  the  king  in  council.  Below  the  upper  court 
was  a regular  series  of  courts,  ranging  down  to  the  local 
justices  of  the  peace.  Justice  was  cheap,  and  court 
practice  simple.  In__New  York,  the  quality  of  both 
bench  and  bar  was  inferior,  and  remained  so  down  to  the 
Revolution;  the  judges  had  often  no  legal  training,  and 


Ch.  X.]  Occupations.  225 

the  law  was  not  recognized  as  a profession.  In  Dela- 
ware, New  Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania  men  of  ability  and 
character  were  engaged  on  the  bench  and  at  the  bar, 
and  their  calling  won  universal  respect.  Penn  brought 
out  two  physicians  with  him,  and  in  the  Quaker  colonies 
the  art  of  medicine  had  from  the  first  an  honorable 
standing;  but  in  New  York  physicians  were  not  licensed 
until  1760.  In  all  four  colonies  the  clergymen  for  the 
most  part  were  zealous,  upright  men,  of  learning  and 
ability,  and  took  high  social  rank. 

Except  in  New  York,  where,  trade  was  equally  impor- 
tant, agriculture  was  the  chief  industry ; but  as  the  soil 
^Agriculture  was  fert;^e  anc^  the  average  farmer  conse- 
and  manu-  quently  careless,  farming  was,  except  among 
facturmg.  tpe  pajnstaking  Quakers  of  Pennsylvania,  in 
a low  condition.  The  principal  crop  was  wheat,  although 
there  was  much  variety  in  farm  products,  and  New  Jer- 
sey raised  large  herds  of  cattle  on  her  broad  lowland 
meadows.  ^ There  were  many  small  manufactures  for 
domestic  use,  the  most  important  being  among  the 
Germans  of  Germantown,  who  made,  in  a small  way, 
paper  and  glass,  and  also  some  varieties  of  knit  goods 
and  coarse  cloths;  the  spinning-wheel  was  a familiar 
household  machine,  for  homespun  was  much  worn  by  all 
except  the  rich.)  But  the  bulk  of  manufactured  goods 
was  imported  from  England  and  the  continent  of  Europe. 
Little  picturesque  windmills,  with  broad  canvas  sails, 
after  the  Dutch  fashion,  were  numerous.  Many  of  the 
Maryland  and  Virginia  colonists  came  long  distances  to 
patronize  the  Pennsylvania  mills.  It  was  not  until  1720 
than  an  iron  furnace  was  erected  in  the  latter  province, 
— the  first  in  the  middle  group  of  colonies.  (Q  ' 0- '- 

The  middle-colony  people  had  a keen  sense  for  trade. 
The  fur-traffic  was  widespread  and  of  the  first  im- 
portance, particularly  in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania: 
IS 


226 


Midd'.e  Co/oniis. 


[Ch.  X. 


while  the  personal  danger  to  the  adventurous  forest 
trader  was  very  great,  the  profits  on  packs  of  peltries 
Trade  and  successfully  landed  in  New  York  and  Phila- 
commerce.  delphia  were  such  as  to  warrant  the  hazard. 
The  principal  exports  were  grain,  flour,  and  furs,  and 
vessels  with  these  American  products  sailed  to  England, 
Lisbon,  Madeira,  and  the  West  Indies  ; the  exports  of 
goods  were  never  equal  to  the  imports,  however,  and 
ships  bringing  over  wines,  sugar,  and  miscellaneous  man- 
ufactured articles  often  found  it  difficult  to  obtain  return 
cargoes.  There  was  a profitable  ’long-shore  commerce 
in  farm  products  and  small  manufactures,  boats  pene- 
trating up  the  rivers  far  inland. ) New  England  bottoms 
were  largely  employed,  although  a shipbuilding  industry 
soon  sprang  up  at  Philadelphia.  New  York  was  the 
chief  port  of  the  middle  colonies  for  foreign  trade  ; her 
merchants  were  highly  active  and  prosperous. 


(g5l)  Social  Life. 

In  1700  the  Dutch  were  still  the  largest  landowners  in 

New  York.  The  English  and  other  nationalities,  jealously 

Life  and  excluded  from  the  landed  class  as  far  as  pos- 

manners  in  sible,  were  to  be  mainly  found  in  the  large 
New  York.  . J 0 

towns  in  the  southern  portion  of  the  province, 
engaged  in  trade.  The  Patch  adhered  to  old  dress  and 
customs  with  remarkable  tenacity.  Their  farm-houses 
were  usually  of  wood,  with  the  second  story  overhanging  ; 
the  great  rafters  showed  in  the  ceilings;  the  fireplaces 
were  ornamented  with  pictured  tiles,  and  above  were  rows 
of  great  wooden  and  pewter  dishes,  and  racks  of  long 
tobacco-pipes  ; the  floors  were  daily  scrubbed  and  sanded, 
and  evidences  of  neatness  and  thrift  were  distinguishing 
features.  In  the  little  hamlets,  as  well  as  on  the  farms, 
there  was  plenty  of  good  plain  living;  but  the  people, 
while  thrifty,  sober,  contented,  and  industrious,  were 


Cii.  X.] 


Social  Life. 


227 


superstitious,  ignorant,  grasping,  and  slow.  Life  with 
them  was  narrow  and  monotonous.  The  wealthy  landed 
proprietors  lived  on  their  estates  up  the  Hudson  in  sum- 
mer, and  moved  to  New  York  city  in  winter  ; their  manor- 
houses  were  large  and  richly  furnished,  they  had  trains 
of  servants,  black  and  white,  and  maintained  a degree  of 
splendor  scarcely  equalled  elsewhere  in  the  colonies. 
The  Dutch  women,  rich  and  poor,  were  noted  for  their 
excellence  as  housekeepers,  their  unaffected  piety,  and 
their  love  of  flowers. 

In  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware  there  was  a wide  dif- 
ference between  the  condition  of  the  dwellers  in  the  long- 
Elsewhere  settled  portions,  where  there  was  intelligent 
in  the  mid-  progress,  sobriety,  and  neatness,  and  that  of 
0 1 ' the  western  borderers,  who  were  a rude,  tur- 
bulent people,  living  amid  wretched  economic  and  sani- 
tary conditions.  The  better  class  of  farmers  in  the 
eastern  section  were  prosperous  but  simple ; men  and 
women  alike  worked  in  the  fields,  and  a patriarchal  sys- 
tem of  family  life  prevailed.',  The  soberly  attired  Quak- 
ers still  exercised  a large  influence  on  society,  which  was 
pervaded  by  a healthy  moral  tone  ; tradesmen  had  a par- 
ticularly keen  sense  of  business  honesty.  New  Jersey 
was  also  a well-to-do  colony ; but  her  farms  and  vil- 
lages long  had  the  reputation  of  presenting  an  untidy 
appearance. 

Although  life  among  the  middle-colony  folk  was  sober 
and  filled  with  toil,  there  were  the  customary  rough  and 
Social  in-  simple  popular  diversions  of  the  period, — 
tercourse.  for  the  farmers  corn-huskings,  spinning-bees, 
house-raisings,  and  dancing-parties,  at  which  hard  drinking 
■was  not  infrequent ; for  the  townsfolk  horse-racing,  bull- 
baiting, cock-fighting,  tavern-parties,  balls,  and  picnics. 
The  people  were,  as  a whole,  of  a more  social  tempera- 
ment than  their  New  England  neighbors.  There  was  little 


Middle  Colonics. 


228 


[Ch.  x. 


luxury  within  their  reach,  but  they  appear  to  have  been  as 
a rule  satisfied  in  their  condition,  and  above  want. 

The  principal  town  was  New  York.  Society  there  was 
more  gay  than  in  Boston,  and  more  fashionable  than 
Town  life  *n  any  ot^er  American  city,  except  perhaps 
Charleston.  [ The  wealthy  landed  proprietors 
spent  money  freely  during  the  winter  season,  and  the 
latest  London  styles  were  eagerly  sought  and  followed.'' 
A social  polish  was  aimed  at,  clubs  were  fostered,  and 
pride  was  taken  in  the  fact  that  no  other  American  city 
was  so  cosmopolitan  in  tone,  — a result  of  its  being  the 
centre  of  a far-reaching  foreign  trade.  ( There  was  much 
that  was  English  in  New  York,  yet  even  here  the  Dutch 
influence  was  strong.;  Visitors  speak  of  the  wide,  plea- 
sant streets  lined  with  trees,  the  low  brick  and  stone 
houses,  with  their  projecting  eaves  and  their  gables  to 
the  street,  — a fashion  general  in  the  colonies,  — and 
the  insignificant  character  of  the  few  public  buildings. 
Albany  was  the  centre  of  the  northern  fur-trade,  and 
purely  Dutch  in  composition  and  architecture. 

Philadelphia  was  the  Quaker  capital.  Laid  out  like  a 
checker-board,  with  architecture  of  severe  simplicity,  its 
best  residences  were  surrounded  by  gardens  and  orchards. 
The  town  was  substantial,  neat,  and  had  the  appearance 
of  prosperity.  Germantown,  near  by,  settled  by  the  Ger- 
mans (1683),  was  largely  given  over  to  small  manufactures. 
Newcastle  was  ill-built  and  unattractive.  The  New  Jer- 
sey towns  were  rather  comely,  but  insignificant ; Trenton 
was  chiefly  supported  by  travellers  along  the  great  high- 
way between  New  York  and  Philadelphia. 

There  was  little  intercommunication,  except  between 
the  larger  towns,  and  the  facilities  for  travel  were  meagre. 
Roads  and  Rude  farm-wagons,  two-wheeled  chaises,  and 
trayel.  saddle-horses  were  the  chief  means  of  convey- 
ance over  the  rough,  stony  roads  •.  and  on  the  many  and 


229 


Ch.  X ] Town  Life  and  Education. 

far-reaching  rivers,  travellers  and  traders  proceeded  lei- 
surely by  slow-moving  craft.  New  Jersey  was  traversed 
by  the  highways  between  New  York  and  Philadelphia, 
over  which  post-boys  rode  weekly  with  the  mail  in  saddle- 
bags. Taverns  were  in  every  town  in  New  York  and 
Pennsylvania,  and  were  favorite  meeting-places  for  the 
village  and  countryfolk;  but  in  New  Jersey  it  required 
legislation  to  induce  villages  to  maintain  “ordinaries” 
for  wayfarers. 

( 96,  Intellectual  and  Moral  Conditions. 

Under  the  Dutch  domination  common  schools  flour- 
ished in  New  York,  each  town  supporting  them  by  public 

aid.  The  English,  however,  jealous  of  educa- 

Education.  . \ — . , . 

tional  enterprises  under  charge  of  a noncon- 
forming church,  suffered  them  to  fall  into  neglect.  Thus 
at  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  education  was 
neither  general  nor  of  good  quality.  The  English  Society 
for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  established  an  excel- 
lent Church  of  England  school  in  New  York  city  (1704), 
but  the  Dutch  did  not  take  kindly  to  it ; they  long  clung 
to  their  mother-tongue  and  the  few  rude  schools  of  their 
own  ordering.  In  Pennsylvania  but  little  attempt  was 
made  by  the  English  in  the  direction  of  popular  educa- 
tion outside  of  the  capital,  where  was  opened  (1698)  the 
now  famous  Penn  Charter  School,  destined  for  fifty  years 
to  be  the  only  public  school  in  the  province.  The  Ger- 
mans and  Moravians  maintained  some  good  private 
schools  in  the  larger  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey 
towns,  but  educational  facilities  in  the  rural  places  were 
generally  wretched,  where  there  were  any  at  all. 

The  Church  of  England  was  nominally  established  in 
all  except  Pennsylvania;  but  it  was  managed  with  great 
lack  of  discretion,  and  aroused  popular  hostility  against 
it  and  the  mother-country.  On  Long  Island  and  in  New 


230 


Middle  Colonies. 


[Ch.  X 


Jersey  the  Puritans  exerted  a powerful  influence  on 
manners  and  thought.  ( Everywhere  the  laws  against  ex- 
cesses in  amusement  and  Sabbath-breaking 

Religion.  , , . _ ° 

were  very  severe,  but  only  in  the  Puritan  com- 
munities were  they  strictly  enforced,  although  a strong 
sentiment  of  piety  was  general  among  all  respectable 
classes  of  the  people. < Except  in  New  York,  towards  the 
close  of  the  seventeenth  century  there  was  toleration  for 
all  Protestant  sects,  bujt  jn-Eenn sylvan i a alone  were  Ro- 
man Catholics,  entitled  to  equal  consideration  ; the  New 
York  laws  against  “Jesuits  and  Popish  priests  ” jyere 
harsh,  and  founded  on  the  false  notion  that  They  incited 
the  Indians  to  acts  of  violence.  In  New  York  the 
Church 'of  England  endeavored  for  a time  (commencing 
in  i692)7Tiy  violent  persecution,  to  repress  all  forms 
oY  dissent ; but  the  sectaries  flourished  despite  official 
opposition.  The  leading  denominations  were  the  Dutch 
Lutheran,  Dutch  Reformed,  English  Independent,  and 
English  Presbyterian.  The  Scotch  Presbyterians  and 
New  England  Congregationalists  were  most  numerous  in 
New  Jersey.  In  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware,  next  to  the 
Quakers  stood  the  Lutherans  and  Scotch  Presbyterians, 
and  the  preachers  of  the  latter  church  were  vigorous 
proselyters,  especially  successful  among  the  western 
borderers.  The  Germans,  brought  over,  at  first,  largely 
through  Penn’s  efforts,  included  a number  of  persecuted 
groups,  — Quakers,  Palatines,  Ridge  Hermits,  Dunkards, 
and  Pietists.  All  Christian  forms  and  creeds  were  lib- 
erally represented  in  Pennsylvania,  where  there  was  as 
genuine  religious  freedom  as  exists  anywhere  in  the 
United  States  to-day. 

In  none  of  the  middle  colonies  was  crime  so  prevalent 
as  to  be  a troublesome  question,  with  the  one  exception  of 
piracy,  — the  most  common  and  widely  demoralizing  of  all 
the  dangers  to  which  the  colonists  were  subjected.  .'  Public 


Ch.  X] 


231 


Religion  and  Politics. 

officials  often  corruptly  connived  at  the  practice,  and 
popular  sentiment  was  not  strongly  against  a set  of  men 
Crime  and  who  brought  wealth  to  the  seaport  towns 
pauperism.  anc}  Spent  it  lavishly.  ) Hangings  and  whip- 
pings were  not  infrequent  public  spectacles  in  the  colo- 
nies, and  the  pillory  was  much  in  use.  In  the  Long 
Island  towns  the  New  Englanders,  who  were  dominant 
there,  faithfully  reproduced  their  native  customs  in  the 
punishment  of  crime  as  in  most  other  particulars.  The 
Quakers  were,  on  the  whole,  the  most  lenient  in  their 
treatment  of  evil-doers,  up  to  1718, , when  the'second  gen- 
eration of  colonists  abandoned  the  old  theory  of  criminal 
legislation  and  adopted  measures  of  harsh  repression 
similar  to  those  in  vogue  in  other  colonies.  There  was 
litILe  pauperism,  but  perhaps  more  in  Pennsylvania  than 
elsewhere.  In  the  treatment  of  this  evil  the  Quakers 
were  also  wise,  and  in  Philadelphia  they  established  the 
first  hospital  for  the  insane,  on  the  continent. 

97.  Political  Conditions  and  Conclusion. 

1 Ngw  Jersey  having  no  foreign  trade  and  but  little 
manufacturing,  her  people  were  without  experience  of  the 
Po'hical  harshness  of  the  English  Acts  of  Navigation 
spirit  in  the  and  Trade  (page  104).')  Since  there  was  not 
much  to  complain  of  regarding  treatment  by 
the  mother-country,  they  were  generally  loyal.  Taxes 
vvere  lighQ  public  salaries  small,  and  the  colony,  with 
Pennsylvania  and  New  York  as  buffers,  was  in  no  danger 
from  Indians. 

On  the  other  hand,  New  York  was  constantly  subjected 
to  border  warfare,  which  proved  a serious  financial  bur- 
in New  ben;  taxation,  levied  by  duties  on  slaves  and 
York,  imports,  and  on  real  and  personal  property, 

was  clumsy  and  oppressive,  and  the  government  corrupt 
and  expensive.  English  officials  and  wealthy  Dutch 


' "K 


232 


Middle  Colonics, 


[Ch.  X. 


merchants  were  loyal  because  it  was  their  interest  to  be 
so;  but  the  mass  of  the  people,  rich  and  poor,  favored 
liberal  candidates  to  the  assembly.  The  men  from  New 
England  exerted  a strong  influence  on  the  general  trend 
of  political  thought.  Elections  excited  great  bitterness 
and  often  rioting,  and  they  were  made  an  excuse  for  the 
usual  holiday  excesses.  There  was  a strong  feeling  of 
resentment  against  the  home  government,  growing  out  of 
the  Navigation  Laws  and  the  impressment  of  seamen. 

I n Jgennsydvania  there  prevailed  a similar  attitude  of 
opposition  to  England  ; the  Quakers  were,  however,  con- 
andinPenn-  servative,  and  slow  in  action,  and  their  dislike 
sylvama.  to  bear  arms  made  the  colony  a drag  upon 
all  attempts  at  continental  union  for  common  defence. 
As  in  New  York,  local  politics  ran  in  extremely  narrow 
channels,  and  election  riots  were  not  uncommon. 

Taking  a general  view  of  the  middle  colonies,  we  find 
that  the  fur-traffic,  the  fertile  soil,  a mixed  system  of 

agriculture,  and  an  enterprising  commercial 

Summary.  . r * r , . 

spirit,  were  the  chief  sources  of  their  material 
prosperity.  There  was  prevalent  a broader  spirit  of  re- 
ligious toleration  ; there  was,  perhaps,  on  the  whole,  a 
more  democratic  spirit  among  all  classes  of  the  people, 
than  in  New  England  or  the  South  ; except  in  the  case  of 
the  Dutch  patroons,  aristocracy  did  not  flourish  among 
them;  the  state  of  popular  education  was  pitiable;  the 
population  was  more  mixed  than  anywhere  else  in  Am- 
erica. The  continental  nationalities  gave  a more  cheerful 
tone  to  society  than  existed  in  New  England  and  the 
South  ; the  several  communities  varied  greatly  in  speech, 
customs,  and  thought,  according  to  their  origin,  although 
we  find,  as  the  eighteenth  century  opens,  that  the  English 
Ejrritans  from  New  England  were  coming  more  and  more 
to  exercise  a considerable  influence  in  political,  social, 
and  religious  affairs. 


Ch.  XI.]  Bibliography  of  Outlying  Colonies.  233 


CHAPTER  XI. 

OTHER  ENGLISH  NORTH  AMERICAN  COLONIES 
(1605-1750). 


98.  References. 

Bibliographies. — Justin  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical  His- 
tory, VIII.,  65-S0  (Hudson  Bay),  1 7 5—1 7 7 (Nova  Scotia),  18S-190 
(Newfoundland),  270-291  (West  Indies). 

Historical  Maps.  — Nos.  2,  3,  and  4,  this  volume  ( Epoch  Maps 
Nos.  2,  3,4);  Justin  Winsor,  as  above;  MacCoun,  Historical  Geog- 
raphy. 

General  Accounts.  — C.  W.  Dilke,  Problems  of  Greater  Britain , 
7-107  (historical  notices  of  British  North  American  colonies)  ; Martin, 
British  Colonies  (1793);  articles  in  Encyclopedia  Britannica ; 
Trendell,  Her  Majesty's  Colonies;  C.  P.  Lucas,  Introduction  to  a 
Historical  Geography  of  the  British  Colonies ; Cotton  and  Payne, 
Colonies  and  Dependencies  (English  Citizen  Series)  ; E.  J.  Payne, 
History  of  European  Colonies  (Freeman  Historical  Series). 

Special  Histories.  — Edwards,  British  Colonies  in  the  West 
Indies  (1794),  (comprehensive) ; Dessalles,  Histoire  generate  des  An- 
tilles ( 1847-1S4S).  Eden,  West  Indies  (Foreign  Countries  and  British 
Colonies  Series),  a convenient  manual,  brought  down  to  1879.  Froude, 
English  in  the  West  Indies,  is  noteworthy ; but  the  reader  should 
also  consult  its  antidote,  Thomas,  Froudacity.  — On  trade  relations 
between  the  North  American  colonies,  consult  W.  B.  Weeden,  Eco- 
nomic and  Social  History  of  New  England.  George  Bancroft  (last 
rev.),  II.  242-245,  for  British  regulations  regarding  West  India  com- 
merce.— Godet,  Bermudas , 1-17,  is  useful.  — On  Newfoundland, 
consult  Halton  and  Hawley  (Amer.  ed.),  1-48  ; Pealey,  1-9S  ; How- 
ley,  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Newfoundland , 1-176.  — On  Nova 


234  Outlying  Colonies.  [Ch.  XI. 

Scotia,  read  Murdoch,  I.,  and  II.  1-437.  — The  Hudson  Bay  Company 
is  treated  in  Justin  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical  History,  VIII. 
1-80.  — Good  histories  of  Canada  are,  Kingsford’s  (now  in  course  of 
publication);  Withrow’s  (1SS5)  ; and  MacMulien’s  (2d  ed.,  1869). 

Contemporary  Accounts.  — Dobbs,  Account  of  the  Countries 
adjoining  to  Hudson's  Bay  (1744);  Ellis,  Voyage  to  Hudson  Bay 
(1748);  Whitbourne,  Discourse  and  Discovery  of  Newfoundland 
(1620);  Mason,  Brief  Discourse  of  the  Newfoundland  (1620);  Du 
Tertre,  Histoire  generale  des  Antilles  (1654);  Oldmixon,  British 
Empire  in  America  (1708  and  1741)  ; Labat,  Nouveau  Voyage  aux 
Isles  d' Amerique  (1724  and  1742). 

99.  Outlying  English  Colonies. 

It  is  usual  to  think  and  speak  of  the  English  colo- 
nies in  North  America  as  though  they  included  only  the 
Differences  thirteen  which,  in  1775,  revolted  against  the 
between  the  mother-country.  In  the  eyes  of  the  home 
colonies  and  government,  however,  and  of  the  colonists 
their  English  themselves,  the  relations  between  the  mother- 

neighbors  to  7 

the  south  land  and  the  English  West  India  IslandSj  the 
and  north.  Bermudas,  Nova  Scotia,  Newfoundland,  Rud- 
son’s  Bay,  and,  after  1763,  Canada,  were  much  the  same 
as  between  it  and  Virginia  or  New  Hampshire  or  Penn- 
sylvania. The  chief  differences  between  the  colonies 
were  of  race  and  occupation.  Nova  Scotia  had,  before 
the  Revolution,  but  a few  thousand  English  inhabitants; 
the  West  Indies  were  almost  exclusively  sugar-producing 
colonies.  Both  on  the  north  and  on  the  southeast  the 
English  colonies  touched  elbows  with  the  French  in  ac- 
tive  commercial  and  territorial  competition.  The  West 
Indies  were  the  emporium  for  sugar  and  slaves,  and  an 
extensive  traffic  was  had  in  both  commodities  with  the 
continental  colonies.  This  important  commerce  has  al- 
ready been  frequently  referred  to,  particularly  in  the 
treatment  of  New  England  (page  185),  whose  vessels 
did  the  bulk  of  the  colonial  carrying  trade. 

(Q. 

-oXt  Cl  j 'V'IaZaX 


Ch.  XI.J  Relations  with  the  Thirteen. 


235 


Various  causes  conspired  to  prevent  Englishmen  in 
these  outlying  plantations  from  joining  their  brethren  of 
whv  those  New  England,  the  middle  colonies,  and  the 
neighbors  South,  in  the  movement  for  independence, 
vok "against  The  West  India  planters  were  largely  aided 
England.  by  English  capital;- and  in  England,  where 
many  of  them  had  summer  residences,  they  enjoyed  a 
profitable  "and  exclusive  market  for  sugar,  cotton,  and 
other  tropical  products.  | It  was  considered  good  policy 
by  English  statesmen  to  favor  the  island  colonies  as 
against  the  continental,  for  the  products  of  the  former 
did  not  compete  with  those  of  Great  Britain  ; so  that  while 
The  Navigation  Acts  (page  104),  restricting  all  colonial 
trade  to  British  ports,  at  first  bore  heavily  on  the  island 
planters,  they  were  compensated  in  part  by  numerous 
discriminations  in  their  favor.>.^Many  of  these  planters', 
were  the  sons  of  Cavaliers  who  had  fled  to  the  islands 
of  the  Caribbean  Sea  to  escape  from  the  rule  of  the  Com- 
monwealth ; or  wealthy  men  who  had,  in  times  of  popular 
disturbance,  been  made  to  feel  uncomfortable  in  their 
old  homes  on  the  American  mainland.  In  Nova  Scotia 
and  Newfoundland  the  ports  were  filled  with  English 
traders  and  officers ; and  a great  belt  of  untraversed  forest 
separated  them  from  the  New  Englanders,  with  whom 
they  had  little  in  common.  (But  perhaps  above  all  was 
theyfact  that  His  Majesty’s  fleet  easily  commanded  these 
outlying  colonies,  and  revolt  was  not  to  be  thought  of 
within  the  reach  of  the  guns  of  ships.  s 

It  is  worth  our  while  briefly  to  review  the  history 
of  these  British  American  dependencies  which  for  one 
reason  or  another  did  not  enter  the  struggle  that  was 
soon  to  rend  the  empire  in  twain  at  the  moment  it  had 
reached  its  greatest  extent. 


236 


Outlying  Colonies.  . [Ch.  XI. 


CL\ 


100.  Windward  and  Leeward  Islands  (1605-1814). 

Barbados , the  easternmost  of  the  Windward  Islands, 
was  first  visited  by  a party  of  English  adventurers  in 
Settlement  I §05,  srnce  wliich  time  it  has  been  an  English 
of  Barbados,  possession.  (fBut  it  was  not  until  1625  that  a 
colony  was  planted  on  tlie  island.')  Its  plan  of  government 
was  much  the  same  as  that  of  the  mainland  colonies. 

During  the  Puritan  uprising  in  England,  Barbados  was 
a place  of  refuge  for  loyalists,  who  were  disposed,  till  the 
Refuge  for  appearance  of  a parliamentary  force  (165 1),  to 
loyalists.  hold  the  island  for  the  king.  Under  Cromwell’s 
rule  many  prisoners  of  war  were  sent  to  the  island,  thus 
increasing  the  royalist  population.  The  Restoration  was 
promptly  proclaimed. 

The  colony  made  rapid  progress,  although  now  and 
then  checked  by  the  fact  that  its  exposed  position  made 


it  in  time  of  war  a favorite  point  of  attack  by 
enemies  of  England.  £The  numerous  harbors 


Warfare. 


along  the  coast  were,  in  such  troublous  periods,  infested 
by  privateers,  who  seriously  interfered  with  the  com- 
merce of  the  island.  ) In  the  war  between  Great  Britain 
and  France,  commencing  in  1756,  the  West  Indies  was 
the  theatre  of  a prolonged  conflict,  into  which  the  Barba- 
dians entered  with  zeal,  supplying  money  and  troops  to 
the  English  side,  and  oftentimes  suffering  from  reverses. 

Before  the  Navigation  Acts  (page  104),  by  which  Eng- 
land sought  to  compel  all  her  colonists  to  trade  with 


her  alone,  the  Dutch  were  good  customers  for 
Barbados  sugar  ; after  that,  English  merchants 


Commerce. 


having  a monopoly  of  the  traffic,  the  planters  had  much 
reason  to  complain.  Nevertheless,  the  majority  were 
stanch  Tories,  and  remained  so  throughout  the  Revolu- 
tionary war.  Many  Barbadians  settled  from  time  to  time 
upon  the  mainland,  particularly  in  the  Carolinas.  We 


CL\ 


/ (r 


Ch.  XI.l 


■ > 


Windward  and  Leeward. 


.V,  ' 


St.  Vincent. 


have  seen  that  Sir  John  Yeamans,  a Barbados  planter, 
led  several  hundrecTofTnF fellow-islanders  thither  (1664),  wU(/ 
and  founded  a town  on  Cape  Fear  river  (page  89). 

St.  Vincent , a hundred  miles  west  of  Barbados,  al- 
though discovered  by  Columbus  in  1498  was  unclaimed 
until  1627,  when  it  was  granted  to  the  Earl  of 
Carlisle  by  Charles  I.,  along  with  others  of  the 
Windward  group.  In  1722,  the  Duke  of  Montagu  came 
into  possession  of  it:  and  then  immigrants  were  intro- 
duced, who  exported  sugar,  rum,  molasses,  and  arrowroot. 

St.  Lucia  w as  settled  by  the  English  in  1639;  its  own- 
ership  was  long  passed  back  and  forth  by  France  and 
Oilier  wind-  England,  but  in  1794  the  latter  secured  per- 
ward  islands.  manent  possession!"  The  English  flag  was 
raised  over  Tobago  in  15S0,  but  the  island  was  alternately 
held  by  English  and  Dutch  until  1814,  since  which  date 
the  proprietorship  of  the  former  has  been  undisputed. 
Grenada  and  the  Grenadines , colonized  by  the  French, 
first  came  into  English  possession  under  the  treaty  of 
1763.  Trinidad,  the  southernmost  of  the  chain  of  islands 
~and  one”oFhhe  most  valuable,  was  occupied  by  the  Span- 
ish until  1797,  when  it  was  yielded  up  to  Great  Britain, 
under  show  of  force  ; to-day  it  is  one  of  the  most  pro- 
gressive of  the  smaller  English  dependencies. 

Upon  the  Leeward,  or  northern,  islands  of  the  Carib- 
bean group  are  the  colonies  of  Antigua,  Montserrat, 

Early  set-  St.  Christopher  (St.  Kitts),  Nevis,  Dominica, 
and  the  Virgin  Islands.  Antigua,  the  seat  of 


tlement. 

the  present  colonial  ^government,  is~fhe  most  import- 
ant. English  families  settled  there  in  1632,  and  again 
in  1663"!  KavagecTby  France  three  years'  later  (1666), 
It  was 'soon  after  restored  to  the  English  under  the 
Changes  in  treaty  of  Breda.  Montserrat,  the  healthiest 
ownership,  island  in  the  West  Indies,  was  also  colo- 
nized by  the  English  in  1632,  and  remained  in  their 


(A) 


dL 


Y) 


h 


-t, 


& 


238 


Outlying  Colonies. 


[Ch.  XI. 


possession  except  for  two  brief  terms  (1664-1668  and 
1782-1784),  when  the  French  were  in  control.  St. 
Christopher  and  Nevis  form  a united  English  colony 
which  traces  its  history  back  to  1628.  Dutch  bucca- 
neers intrenched  themselves  on  the  rocky  islets  of  the 
Virgin  group  as  early  as  1648,  but  were  driven  out  by 
English  pirates  in  1666,  since  which  date  the  archipelago 
has  been  the  property  of  Great  Britain;  a better  class  of 
settlers  came  in  with  the  eighteenth  century.  Dontinica. 
the  largest  of  the  Leeward  Isles,  was  included  in  Car- 
lisle’s patent  (1627);  but  the  French  were  already  in 
possession,  living  on  friendly  terms  with  the  native 
Caribs,  just  as  their  compatriots  in  New  France  were 
with  the  more  warlike  Algonkins.  Ceded  by  France  to 
England  in  1763,  Dominica  was  several  times  recaptured, 
and  not  finally  relinquished  to  the  latter  until  1814. 

101.  Bermudas  (1609-1750)  and  Bahamas  (1522-1783). 

The  fertile  Bermudas,  or  Somers’s  Islands, — “still 
vex’d  Bermoothes  ” of  Shakespeare,  — lie  about  six 
Early  set-  hundred  miles  east  of  South  Carolina.  They 
tlement.  bear  the  names  of  two  navigators  who  were 
cast  away  upon  them,  — Juan^Bermudez,  a Spaniard 
(1522),  and  an  Englishman,  Sir  George  Somers  (1609); 
the  latter  being  on  his  way  to  Virginia  to  administer  the 
affairs  of  that  colony.  Somers  founded  the  first  settle- 
ment. 

Under  the  third  patent  to  the  Virginia  Company  in  1612 
(page  72),  the  Bermudas  and  all  islands  within  three  hun- 
dred leagues  of  the  Virginia  shore  were  ceded  to 

In  the  pos-  , ° . ° . 

session  of  that  corporation.  ! Except  Nova  Scotia,  there- 

Virgima.  fore,  the  Bermudas  are  the  only  present  English 

colony  which  ever  formed  an  integral  part  of  any  of  the 

present  States  or  Territories  of  the  United  States.  ) The 

Virginia  Company  afterwards  (1616)  parted  with  its 


Ch.  XI  ] Bermudas  and  Bahamas. 


239 


right  to  the  Bermuda  Company,  which  carried  thither  a 
considerable  company  of  Virginians.  During  the  Com- 
monwealth, the  Bermudas,  like  Barbados,  were  a refuge 
tor  royalists  from  England.  Representative  government, 
similar  to  that  of  the  mainland  colonies,  was  established 
in  1620,  and  has  been  ever  since  maintained.  Tobacco 
was  the  staple  of  the  colony  until  about  1707,  when  a salt- 
making industry  sprang  up  and  soon  became  the  chief 
interest. 

The  Bermudas  were  from  the  earliest  times  recognized 
as  an  important  marine  station.  During  the  Revolu- 
Strate^ic  tionary  war  Washington  wrote  : “ Let  us  annex 
importance,  the  Bermudas,  and  thus  possess  a nest  of  hor- 
nets to  annoy  the  British  trade.”  But  the  place  was 
undisturbed,  and  remained  loyal  to  the  king. 

The  first  American  soil  trod  by  Columbus  was  an 
island  in  the  fruitful  Bahama  group.  “ This  country,” 
he  wrote,  “ excels  all  others  as  far  as  the  day 

The  land-  , . , , , ,,  . 

fall  of  Co-  surpasses  the  night  111  splendor.  The  natives 
lumbus.  were  numerous;  “their  conversation  is  the 
sweetest  imaginable ; their  faces  always  smiling;  and  so 
gentle  and  so  affectionate  are  they  that  I swear  to  your 
highness  there  is  not  a better  people  in  the  world.”  Yet 
(commencing  in  1509)  the  Spaniards  almost  depopulated 
the  islands  ; forty  thousand  of  these  innocent  aborigines 
were  carried  away  to  a wretched  death  in  the  mines  of 
Cuba. 

In  1629,  an  English  colony  was  planted  on  New  Provi- 
dence, in  the  then  deserted  archipelago.  But  the  French 
Spanish  and  aild  Spanish  persisted  in  harrying  the  settlement, 

French  op-  which  was  frequently  the  scene  of  stormy  con- 
position  to  ..  _ . J 

English  set-  nicts.  At  last,  in  1 7 1 8,  the  English  government 

tlement.  drove  out  the  pirates  who  had  come  to  resort 
there  in  great  numbers,  resettled  the  islands,  and  an  era 
of  progress  opened. 


240 


Ou-tlying  Colonics. 


[Ch.  XI. 


During  the  Revolutionary  war  many  wealthy  Tories 
went  from  the  continental  colonies  to  the  Bahamas  and 
Americans  °Pened  UP  large  plantations,  with  slave  labor, 
capture  the  The  colony  was  captured  by  the  Americans. 
colony-  (IT2Z6),  — the  only  conquest  of  British  territory 
during  the  Revolution,  except  the  Canadian  campaign  of 
1J7S  and  The  occupation  of  the  Northwest  by  Virginia 
troops  in  1778.  The  Spanish  took  it  in  1782,  but  it  was 
soon  retaken  by  the  English  (17S3).  Three  quarters  of 
a century  later  the  islands  became  famous  as  the  point  of 
departure  for  blockade-runners  bound  into  Confederate 
ports. 

102.  Jamaica  (1655-1750). 

Jamaica  was  under  Spanish  control  until  1655,  when 
an  English  fleet  under  Admirals  Penn  and  Venables  — 
England  the  f°rmer)  father  of  the  founder  of  Pennsyl 
captures  the  vania  — compelled  the  surrender  of  the  island 
to  the  Commonwealth.  The  opposition  of  the 
Spanish  planters  and  their  negro  slaves — the  latter 
were  called  Maroons  — long  made  English  government 
difficult ; the  Spaniards  were  finally  driven  off,  but  the 
Maroons,  fleeing  to  the  mountains,  were  troublesome 
until  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Much  annoy- 
ance was  also  suffered  in  the  seventeenth  century  from 
the  buccaneers,  who  infested  the  Jamaica  coast  and 
preyed  indiscriminately  on  all  West  Indian  commerce; 
they  were  suppressed  with  great  difficulty.  In  1728, 
English  laws  and  statutes  became  applicable  to  the 
island. 

Like  other  islands  in  the  West  Indies,  Jamaica  was 
resortecTto  by  many  Tory  planters  from  the  continental 
The  Tory  colonies,  and  apparently  had  no  sympathy 
element.  with  the  struggle  of  the  latter  for  independ- 
ence. It  was  a colony  having  a large  slave  popula- 
tion, and  after  the  separation  of  the  continental  colonies 


241 


Ch.  XI.]  Honduras,  Newfoundland. 

became,  to  some  degree,  a competitor  with  them.  The 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  island  (1830-1837)  had  a great 
influence  on  the  slavery7  conflict  in  the  United  States. 

103.  British  Honduras  (1600-1798). 

Belize,  or  British  Honduras,  on  the  eastern  shore  of 
the  Yucatan  peninsula,  was  not  occupied  by  English- 
Lawless  men  until  after  the  suppression  of  freebooting 
En^Hshset-  'n  the  Spanish  main,  — about  the  opening  of 
ilers.  the  eighteenth  century.  At  that  time  parties 

of  English  dyewood  and  mahogany  cutters,  many7  of 
whom  had  been  pirates,  established  themselves  at  Belize. 
Tllgfr. holdings  were  frequently  beset  by  rivai  Spanish 
logging  companies,  but  in  1 798  the  latter  were  expelled. 

Since  that  day  Belize  has  existed  as  a prosperous 
English  Crown  colony,  although  England’s  legal  right 
rights  ques-  to  the  country  is  still  questioned  by7  some 
authorities,  and  in  1846  this  fact  gave  rise  to 
serious  diplomatic  difficulties  with  the  United  States. 

104.  Newfoundland  (1497-1783). 

Newfoundland  is  the  oldest  of  the  colonial  possessions 
of  Great  Britain.  We  have  seen  (page  25)  that  John 
Early  settle-  Cabot  discovered  it  in  1497,  that  Cortereal 
ments.  was  there  for  the  Portuguese  in  1500,  and 
that  by  1504  fishermen  from  Normandy,  Brittany,  and 
the  Basque  provinces  were  regularly  engaged  on  its 
shores.  It  was  the  nucleus  for  both  French  and  Eng- 
lish- occupation  of  the  mainland,  and  from  the  first  an 
important  fishery7  station. 

Not  until  1583  did  the  English  take  formal  possession, 
and  it  was  much  later  before  any  of  their  numerous  colo 
nizing  schemes  attained  any  great  measure  of  success. 

By  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  (1713)  Newfoundland  was 
16 


242 


rcH.  xi. 


Outlying  Colotiies. 

acknowledged  as  English  territory,  but  the  French  were 
given  fishing  privileges  on  the  westein  and  northern 
Growth  of  coasts.  This  led  to  diplomatic  contentions, 
the  colony.  not  yet  ended  ; nevertheless  settlement  at  once 
increased,  and  a satisfactory  growth  has  since  been  main- 
tained. In  1728,  a form  of  civil  government  was  for  the 
first  time  established. 

During  the  American  Revolution  Newfoundland  had 
sufficient  inducement  to  remain  loyal;  since  French  and 
Loyalty  to  American  competitors  in  the  fisheries  were  kept 
Ensland-  out  by  British  fleets,  her  merchants  had  a 
monopoly  oT  the  European  markets,  and  were  enabled 
to  maintain  high  prices. 


105.  Nova  Scotia,  Acadia  (1497-1755). 

First  visited  by  the  Cabots  in  [497,  it  was  not  until 
1604  that  European  colonization  was  attempted  in  Nova 
French  and  Scotia,  under  the  Frenchman  De  Monts  (page 
English  ri-  35).  In  1 6 1 3,  the  Virginia  privateer,  Argali^ 
basing  his'excuse  on  Cabot’s  previous  discov- 
ery, swooped  down  on  the  French  settlements,  demolished 
the  cabins,  and  expelled  the  inhabitants.  A grant  of  the 
peninsula  — called  Acadia  by  the  French,  but  in  this 
document  styled  Nova  Scotia  by  the  king  — was  made  by 
James  I.  to  Sir  William  Alexander;  the  latter  was,  how- 
ever, prevented  by  the  French  (1623)  from  carrying  out 
his  colonizing  scheme.  Nevertheless,  several  English- 
men and  Scotchmen  came  into  the  country  and  mingled 
with  the  French,  who  were  slowly  re-populating  it. 

Recaptured  by  an  English  force  in  1654,  Nova  Scotia 
was,  thirteen  years  later  (1667),  ceded  to  France.  But 
New  Eng-  the  ease  of  communication  by  water  made  the 
turesThe  colony  an  uncomfortably  close  neighbor  for 
country  the  English  colonies  farther  south.  (\  In  1710 
the  Massachusetts  men  captured  Port  Royal;  and  in 


Ch.  XI  ] Acadia , Hudson's  Bay  Company.  243 

i7i3_France  relinquished  possession  to  England  by  the 
treaty  of  Utrecht.  Again  in  I74j.  Massachusetts  volun- 
teers captured  Louisbourg  on  Cape  Breton  (§§  in,  112). 

England  paid  little  attention  to  Nova  Scotia  until  1749, 
when  four  thousand  emigrants  were  sent  over  to  found 
„ . . Halifax.  The  French  settlers,  known  as  Aca- 

of  tiie  Aca-  dians,  had  meanwhile  become  numerous,  and 
greatly  aoused  their  privileges  as  neutrals  by 
fostering  and  joining  Indian  war-parties  against  the  New 
England  settlers.  In  1755,  the  Acadians  were  easily 
reduced  by  General  Monkton,  and  seven  thousand  trans- 
ported to  the  British  provinces  southward,  many  of  them 
finally  drifting  to  the  French  settlement  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Mississippi. 

A colonial  constitution  of  the  regulation  English  pat- 
tern was  granted  to  Nova  Scotia  in  1758,  and  France 
An  asylum  formally  released  her  claim  by  the  treaty  of 
for  Tones.  1 763.  At  the  same  time  Cape  Breton,  which 
had  been  a second  time  captured  (1758),  was  added.  The 
Englishmen  in  Nova  Scotia  were  largely  of  the  official 
and  trading  class,  having  little  in  common  with  their 
neighbors  of  the  more  southern  colonies.  In  the  Revolu- 
tion several  thousand  loyalist  refugees  found  an  asylum 
in  the  peninsula. 

For  the  remaining  French  colony,  Canada,  special 
treatment  will  be  necessary. 


106.  Hudson’s  Bay  Company. 


The  Hudson’s  Bay  Company,  from  the  time  it  was  char- 
tered by  Charles  II.  (1670)  until  its  lands  were  sold  to 


Similarity  to  the  British  Government  (1869),  was  a joint- 
duise't'ts  Bay  stoc^  association,  with  exclusive  commercial 
Company.  and  political  privileges,  very  similar  to  the 
Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  To-day  it  trades  as  a 
private  corporation  ; its  former  territory  — the  lands  drain- 


244  Outlying  Colonies.  [Ch.  XI. 

ing  into  Hudson’s  Bay  — is  now  open  to  all  on  equal 
terms. 

Fur-trade  factories,  protected  by  strong  forts,  were 
early  planted  by  the  company  at  the  mouths  of  several 
French  op-  sub-arctic  rivers,  such  as  the  Rupert,  Moore, 
posiuon.  Albany,  Nelson,  and  Churchill,  the  only  in- 
habitants being  the  small  garrisons  and  the  company’s 
trading  servants.  Several  expeditions  were  successively 
made  to  Hudson’s  Bay  by  French  war  vessels;  much  de- 
vastation was  wrought  and  blood  spilled,  until  in  1697  the 
treaty  of  Ryswick  put  an  end  to  the  trouble,  and  left  the 
company  in  undisputed  possession.  It  had  lost  more  than 
,£200,000  in  this  predatory  warfare,  but  soon  regained  its 
position,  through  the  profits  of  the  fur-trade. 

After  the  fall  of  New  France  (1763),  the  Hudson’s  Bay 
Company  met  formidable  rivals  in  the  enterprising  North- 
American  west  and  American  organizations ; the  story  of 
rivals.  the  fierce  competition  which  ensued,  with  its 
effect  on  American  settlement  and  international  bound- 
aries, belongs  to  the  period  covered  by  other  volumes 
of  this  series. 

From  the  foregoing  sketch  it  will  be  seen  that  for  all 
the  American  colonies  to  the  south  of  Georgia  the  Eng- 
lish were  obliged  to  fight  a changeful  battle 
Summary.  w ; the  Spaniards  and  the  French.  It  was 

not  till  after  the  Revolutionary  war  that  the  permanent 
ownership  of  the  islands  was  assured  to  Great  Britain. 
A similar  struggle,  though  briefer  and  sooner  concluded, 
went  on  for  the  possession  of  the  colonies  north  of  Maine. 
But  twelve  years  before  the  Revolution  the  last  of  them 
had  been  yielded  to  the  British.  In  Nova  Scotia,  and 
later  in  Canada,  English  residents  were  not  numerous  till 
the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century.  In  Newfound- 
land and  Hudson’s  Bay,  in  colonial  times,  the  settlers 
were  English,  but  in  numbers  they  were  few. 


Ch.  XII.]  Bibliography  of  New  France. 


245 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  COLONIZATION  OP  NEW  FRANCE  (1608- 
1750). 


107.  References. 

Bibliographies.  — Winsor’s  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of 
America,  iv.  12-32,  62-S0,  130-134,  149-162,  196-200,  290-316,  356— 
368  ; v.  63-S6,  420-482,  560-622  ; Foster’s  Monthly  Reference  Lists, 
iv.  19,  34,  35  ; Allen’s  History  Topics. 

Historical  Maps.  — No.  4,  this  volume;  Maps  in  Parkman’s 
works  and  in  Winsor ; MacCoun’s  Historical  Geography  of  the 
United  States. 

General  Accounts.  — Parkman’s  works  are  the  prime  authority  ; 
viz.  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  Jesuits  in  North  America, 
La  Salle  and  the  Discovery  of  the  Great  West,  Old  Regime  in  Canada, 
Count  Frontenac  and  New  France  under  Louis  XIV.,  and  Montcalm 
and  Wolfe.  In  his  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  i.  46-171,  there  is  a useful 
summary  of  the  previous  volumes.  See  also  Winsor’s  Narrative  and 
Critical  History  of  America,  vols.  iv.,  v. ; Bancroft  (final  ed. ),  ii.  419-565  ; 
Bryant  and  Gay,  iii.  254-3S9 ; Hildreth,  ii.  433-513  ; and  Hart’s  Fall 
of  New  France.  A good  F'rench  account  is  Lescarbot’s  Histoire  de 
la  Nouvelle-France.  Good  histories  of  Canada  are:  Kingsford’s 
Withrow’s  (ed.,  1S85),  and  MacMullen’s  (2d  ed.,  1869). 

Special  Histories.  — Machar’s  and  Marquis’s  Stories  of  New 
France  is  an  entertaining  panorama  of  historic  pictures.  Hinsdale’s 
Old  Northwest,  pp.  21-69.  presents  a general  review  of  French  domi- 
nation in  that  section.  Hebberd’s  History  of  Wisconsin  under  the 
Dominion  of  France  seeks  to  show  that  certain  events  happening  in 
Wisconsin  had  an  important  bearing  on  the  downfall  of  New  France. 
Dunn’s  Indiana  (American  Commonwealths  Series),  pp.  41-130,  gives 
a graphic  picture  of  life  and  manners  in  the  old  French  villages  in  the 
Northwest.  Consult  Bourinot’s  Local  Government  in  Canada  (Johns 
Hopkins  Univ.  Studies,  5th  series). 


246 


French  Colonies. 


[Ch.  XII. 


Contemporary  Accounts.  — Cartier’s  Discovery  of  New  France 
(1534);  Champlain’s  Voyages,  and  Radisson’s  Voyages  (in  Prince 
Soc.  Pubs  ) ; Baron  la  Hontan’s  Travels  in  Canada  (16S3)  ; Charle- 
voix’s History  and  General  Description  of  New  France  (1720-1723) ; 
Jesuit  Relations  (especially  Dablon’s,  1672-1673).  Savage’s  Account 
of  the  Expedition  against  Canada  (1690),  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll., 
1st  series,  vol.  xiii. 


108.  Settlement  of  Canada  (1608-1629). 

The  story  of  early  French  efforts  at  colonization  in 
North  America,  from  Cartier’s  visit  (1534)  to  Champlain’s 
foundation  of  Quebec  (1608),  the  first  permanent  French 
colony  in  Canada,  has  already  been  told  (Chapter  II.). 

It  was  unfortunate  for  New  France  that  Champlain 
incurred  at  the  outset  the  hostility  of  the  Iroquois  (page 
Effect  of  196);  the  French  and  the  Algonkin  tribes  with 
Iroquois  whom  they  maintained  friendly  relations  were 
opposition.  j0I1g  after  sorely  afflicted  by  them.  Had  it  not 
been  for  the  Iroquois  wall  interposed  between  Champlain 
ancEfHe  South,  the  French  would  doubtless  have  preceded 
the  English  upon  the  Atlantic  plain.  The  presence  of  this 
opposition  led  the  founder  of  New  France,  in  his  attempts 
to  extend  the  sphere  of  French  influence,  to  explore  along 
the  line  of  least  resistance,  to  the  north  and  west. 

In  r 6 1 1 , Montreal  was  planted  at  the  first  rapids  in  the 
St.  Lawrence,  and  near  the  mouths  of  the  Ottawa  and 
Champlain  Richelieu.  Four  years  later  (1615),  Cham- 
on  Lake  plain  reached  Lake  Huron  by  the  way  of  the 
Ottawa.  ( There  were  easier  highways  to  the 
Northwest,  but  the  French  were  compelled  for  many 
years  thereafter  to  take  this  path,  because  of  its  greater 
security  from  the  all-devouring  Iroquois^) 

To  extend  the  sphere  of  French  influence  and  the 
Catholic  religion,  as  well  as  to  induce  the  savages  to 
patronize  French  commerce,  were  objects  which  inspired 
both  lay  and  clerical  followers  of  Champlain.  Their 


IOOS-1659  j 


Canada  Settled. 


247 


wonderful  zeal  illumined  the  history  of  New  France  with 
a poetic  glamour  such  as  is  cast  over  no  other  part 
. of  America  north  of  Mexico.  Under  Cham- 

Explorers 

and  coureurs  plain’s  guidance  and  inspired  by  his  example, 
traders  and  priests  soon  penetrated  to  the  far 
west,  — the  former  bent  on  trafficking  for  peltries,  and  the 
latter  on  saving  souls.  Another  large  class  of  rovers, 
styled  coureurs  de  dots,  or  wood-rangers,  wandered  far  and 
wide,  visiting  and  fraternizing  with  remote  tribes  of  In- 
dians; they  were  attracted  by  the  love  of  lawless  adven- 
ture, and  conducted  an  extensive  but  illicit  fur-trade. 
Many  of  these  explorers  left  no  record  of  their  journeys, 
hence  it  is  now  impossible  to  say  who  first  made  some  of 
the  most  important  geographical  discoveries. 

109.  Exploration  of  the  Northwest  (1629-1699). 

We  know  that  by  1629,  the  year  before  the  planting  of 
the  Massachusetts  Bay  colony,  Champlain  saw  an  ingot 
Early dis-  of  copper  obtained  by  barter  with  Indians 
the  North"  from  the  shores  of  Lake  Superior.  In  1634, 
west.  Jean  Nicolet,  another  emissary  from  Champlain, 

penetrated  to  central  Wisconsin,  by  way  of  the  Fox  River, 
and  thence  went  overland  to  the  Illinois  country,  making 
trading  agreements  with  the  savage  tribes  along  his  path. 
Seven  years  afterwards  (1641),  Jesuit  priests  said  mass 
before  two  thousand  naked  savages  at  Sault  Ste.-Marie. 
In  the  winter  of  1658-1659,  two  French  fur-traders, 
Radisson  and  Groseilliers.  imbued  with  a desire  “to 
traveil  and  see  countreys”  and  “to  be  knowne  with  the 
remotest  people,”  visited  Wisconsin,  piobably  saw  the 
Mississippi,  and  built  a log  fort  on  Chequamegon  Bay 
of  Lake  Superior.  During  1662  they  discovered  James’s 
Bay  to  the  far  northeast,  and  became  impressed  with  the 
fur-trading  capabilities  of  the  Hudson’s  Bay  region.  Not 
receiving  French  support  in  their  enterprise,  they  sold 


248 


French  Colonies. 


[Ch.  XII. 


their  services  to  England.  On  the  strength  of  their  dis- 
coveries, the  Hudson’s  Bay  Company  was  organized 
(1670).  Saint- Lusson  took  formal  possession  of  the 
Northwest  for  the  French  king,  at  Sault  Ste. -Marie, 
in  1671.  Two  years  later  (1673),  Joliet  and  Marquette 
made  their  now  famous  trip  over  the  Fox- Wisconsin 
waterway  and  re-discovered  the  Mississippi. 

Champlain  died  at  Quebec  in  1635,  having  extended 
the  trade  and  domination  of  France  westward  to  Wiscon- 
L sin,  by  the  Ottawa  highway.  It  remained  for 

the  fur-trader,  La  Salle,  one  of  the  most  brib 
liant  of  American  explorers,  to  add  the  Mississippi  valley  to 
French  territory  (1679-1682),  his  route  being  up  the  Great 
Lakes  and  via  the  Chicago-Illinois  portage.  It  was  i6qq 
before  a French  settlement  was  planted  in  Louisiana  (Old 
Biloxi),  and  1718  before  New  Orleans  was  founded. 

The  central  geographical  fact  to  be  remembered  in  con- 
nection with  the  history  of  New  France  is,  that  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  the  chain  of  Great  Lakes  which  serve  as 
its  feeders  furnish  a natural  highway  to  the  heart  of  the 
continent  (page  4). 

It  has  been  shown  that  the  hostility  of  the  Iroquois 
forced  the  French,  in  their  earliest  explorations  west- 
Early  explo-  ward,  to  take  the  northern,  or  indirect,  route  of 
the  Great'  die  Ottawa  River,  and  caused  Huron  to  be 
Lakes.  the  first  great  lake  discovered;  Ontario,  Supe- 

rior, and  Michigan  being  next  unveiled,  in  the  order 
named.  Erie,  the  last  to  be  seen  by  whites,  was  known 
as  early  as  1640,  but  owing  to  Iroquois  warriors  blocking 
the  way,  was  not  navigated  until  1669,  except  by  coureurs 
de  bois  seeking  the  New  York  fur-markets.  Thus  French- 
men were  familiar  with  the  sites  of  Sault  Ste. -Marie, 
Mackinaw,  Ashland,  Green  Bay,  Prairie  du  Chien,  and 
Chicago  before  they  had  visited  the  site  of  Detroit 
(1669).  But  that  place  came  to  be  recognized  after  its 


Social  and  Political. 


1662-1701.] 


249 


settlement  (1701)  as  the  most  important  strategic  point 
in  the  western  possessions  of  New  France. 

The  difference  between  the  character  of  the  English 
and  French  colonies  in  North  America  was  great.  Eng- 
Differences  bshmen  were  content  to  sow  and  reap  in  a 
between  ^ plodding  fashion,  extending  their  territorial 
English  bounds  no  faster  than  their  settlements  needed 

colonists.  room  for  growth.  Their  acquaintance  with 
the  Indians  did  not,  with  the  exception  of  the  New  York 
and  Southern  fur-traders,  extend  beyond  the  tribes  which 
touched  their  borders.  They  were  possessed  of  remark- 
able vitality  and  a strong  sense  of  political  and  com- 
mercial independence. 


110.  Social  and  Political  Conditions. 

The  rigor  of  the  Canadian  winter,  the  shortness  of  the 
summer  season,  and  persistent  annoyance  from  the  Iro- 
„ , quois,  who  at  times  had  carried  their  warfare 

Loureur  de*- 

hois  versus  to  the  very  walls  of  the  settlements,  combined 
to  make  the  lot  of  the  French  farmer  on  the 
St.  Lawrence  far  from  prosperous.  During  many  of  its 
early  years,  New  France  largely  depended  for  food  upon 
supplies  brought  out  from  the  mother-country.  The  fur- 
trader  experienced  but  little  more  personal  danger  than 
the  agriculturist  who  remained  upon  his  narrow  farm- 
hold  abutting  on  the  St.  Lawrence  ; while  the  fascination 
of  the  unbridled  life  of  adventure  led  by  the  former,  free 
from  the  restraints  of  church  and  society,  was  such  as 
strongly  appealed  to  young  men  of  spirit.  The  trade  of 
New  France  was  farmed  out  to  commercial  companies 
and  to  favorites  of  the  king  and  his  autocratic  colonial 
governors.  Unlicensed  traffic,  such  as  was  carried  on 
by  the  coureiu's  de  bois , was  looked  upon  as  akin  to 
smuggling,  and  harsh  laws  were  promulgated  against 
it.  Nevertheless  the  forests  far  into  the  continental 


250 


French  Colonies . 


[Ch.  XII. 


interior,  were  penetrated  by  gay  adventurers  conducting 
illicit  barter  with  the  red  barbarians,  while  the  agricul- 
ture of  the  colony  languished.  The  river-systems  of  the 
English  coast  colonies  did  not  easily  conduct  to  the 
interior,  but  the  far-reaching  waterways  of  New  France 
were  a continual  invitation. 

Iroquois  interests  were  bound  up  with  the  Dutch,  and 
after  them  with  the  English.  The  better  to  improve  their 
French  own  position  and  to  keep  up  prices,  the  Iro- 
treatment  of  quois  endeavored  to  prevent  Algonkins  of  the 
1 ' upper  lakes  from  trading  with  the  Canadians. 

But  French  influence  in  the  Northwest  was  neverthe- 
less strong.  Colonial  officials  cajoled  the  Indians  and 
plied  them  with  presents ; while  the  wandering  traders 
and  their  employees  dwelt  in  comparative  harmony  with 
the  red  men,  were  adopted  into  many  of  the  tribes,  and 
married  squaws,  who  reared  in  the  forest  villages  an 
extensive  half-breed  progeny. 

The  disposition  of  the  French  Crown  to  interfere  with 
the  fur-trade  and  to  repress  all  commercial  initiative  not 
Paternal  emanating  from  privileged  circles,  was  but  an 
policy  of  evidence  of  its  general  colonial  policy.  The 
colony  on  the  St.  Lawrence  was  made  con- 
tinually to  feel  the  hand  of  the  king.  In  contrast  to  the 
free  town  and  county  systems  of  the  English,  the  people 
of  New  France  had  no  voice  in  their  government  or  in 
the  appointment  of  their  officials.  Even  in  the  most 
trivial  affairs  they  looked  to  the  Crown  for  action. 

The  country  was  governed  much  like  a province  in 
France.  It  was  divided:  (i)  for  judicial  purposes,  into 
The  admin-  districts,  with  a judge  at  the  bead  of  each, 
istration  of  from  whom  there  might  be  an  appeal  to  the 
Ne"  France-  superior  council.  Within  the  districts  were 
(2)  seigniories,  or  great  estates.  The  seignior  held  his 
land  immediately  from  the  king,  and  parcelled  it  out 


Ch.  XII.] 


Social  and  Political. 


251 


among  his  vassals,  the  habitants , or  cultivators,  who  paid 
him  a small  rent,  patronized  his  shops  and  mills,  and 
owed  him  certain  feudal  obligations.  Upon  the  estates 
were  (3)  parishes,  in  which  the  curd  and  the  captain  of 
militia  were  the  chief  personages.  The  only  public 
duties  exercised  by  the  habitants  were  in  connection 
with  parish  affairs,  and  then  the  initiative  was  taken  at 
Quebec,  where  resided  the  central  authority,  vested  in 
the  governor,  intendant,  and  council.  ^ In_i672,  Frontenac 
attempted  to  set  up  in  Canada  an  assembly  of  the  three 
estates  or  orders ; but  Colbert,  the  king’s  prime  minister, 
rebuked  him,  and  gave  directions  for  a gradual  restriction 
of  all  privileges  of  representation.  “It  seems  better  that 
every  one  should  speak  for  himself,  and  no  one  for  all.” 
The  people  w-ere  not  permitted  to  think  or  act  for  them- 
selves, and  they  did  not  covet  the  privilege.  Without 
political  training,  they  had  no  notion  of  what  the  English 
call  political  rights. 

Had  King  Louis  XIV.  been  a wise  monarch,  paternal- 
ism might  not  have  been  a disadvantage  for  a population 
Causes  of  of  this  sort.  But  the  royal  patronage  of  colo- 
weakness.  enterprises  was  spasmodic,  sometimes  break- 

ing out  into  extravagant  aid,  again  remarkable  for  its 
penuriousness.  There  were  several  in  the  long  roll  of 
colonial  governors  who  were  men  of  commanding  abil- 
ity, and  well  fitted,  under  right  conditions,  to  make  of 
New  France  a success,  — notably  Champlain  (1622-1635), 
Frontenac  (1672-1682,  and  1689-1698),  and  De  Nonville 
(16S5-1689).  But  the  times  and  the  material  at  hand 
were  against  them.  Official  corruption  ran  riot.  From 
the  monopolists,  who  were  the  present  favorites  of  the 
king,  down  to  the  military  commander  of  the  most  distant 
forest  trading  station,  officials  considered  the  public 
treasury  and  the  resources  of  the  colony  as  a source  of 
individual  profit.  The  priesthood  held  full  sway ; little 


252 


French  Colonies. 


[Ch.  XII. 


was  done  without  the  sanction  of  the  hierarchy.  The 
missionaries  of  the  faith  won  laurels  for  bravery,  self- 
denial,  and  hardihood,  under  the  most  adverse  circum- 
tances.  But  the  policy  of  the  Church  was  too  exclusive 
for  the  good  of  the  colony.  Huguenots,  driven  from 
France  by  persecution,  were^forbiclcten  by  the  bishops  to 
reside  in  Canada,  and  thus  were  compelled  to  contribute 
their  brain  and  brawn  to  the  upbuilding  of  the  rival  Eng- 
lish settlements,  t Of  all  Frenchmen,  these  were  the  best 
adapted. to  the  rearing  of  an  industrial  empire  in  the  New 

Word 

111.)  Intercolonial  Wars  (1628-1697). 

In  Champlain’s  time,  while  France  was  busy  in  crush- 
ing Protestant  revolts  at  home,  the  settlements  of  Port 
The  struggle  Royal  and  Quebec,  then  wretched  hamlets  of  a 
Frerich'and  ^ew  dozen  huts  each,  fell  an  easy  prey  to  small 
English  post-  English  naval  forces  (162871629).  For  a few 
poneti.  months  France  did  not  hold  one  foot  of  ground 
in  North  America.  But  as  peace  had  been  declared  be- 
tween France  and  England  before  this  conquest,  the  for- 
mer received  back  all  its  possessions,  including  Acadia 
(Nova  Scotia)  and  the  island  of  Cape  Breton.  The  in- 
evitable struggle  for  the  mastery  of  the  continent  was 
postponed,  and  Frenchmen  held  Canada  for  four  genera- 
tions longer.  By  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
men  of  New  France  were  ranging  at  will  overmuch  of 
the  country  beyond  the  mountains,  with  visions  of  empire 
as  extensive  as  the  continent. 

The  French  were  not  exploring  and  occupying  the 
western  country  unwatched.  English  colonial  statesmen 
English  jeal-  understood  from  the  first  the  import  of  the 
expansion  of  movement,  and  tljeir  alarm  was  frequently  ex- 
New  France,  pressed  in  communications  to  the  home  gov- 
ernment. While  Charles  II.  was  a pensioner  of  Louis 
XIV.,  the  royal  intendant  in  Canada  expressed  the  situa- 


I62S-I690.] 


Intercolonial  Wars. 


253 


tion  clearly  when  he  urged  Louis  (1666)  to  purchase  New 
York,  “ whereby  he  would  have  two  entrances  to  Canada, 
and  by  which  he  would  give  to  the  French  all  the  peltries 
of  the  north,  of  which  the  English  share  the  profit  by  the 
communication  which  they  have  with  the  Iroquois,  by 
Manhattan  and  Orange.”  In  1687,  Governor  Dongan  of 
New  York  warned  the  ministry  at  London:  “If  the 
French  have  all  they  pretend  to  have  discovered  in  these 
parts,  the  king  of  England  will  not  have  a hundred  miles 
from  the  sea  anywhere.” 

With  the  accession  of  Protestant  William  and  Mary 
(1689),  the  Palatinate  war  broke  out  between  England 
Extent  of  and  France,  and  at  once  spread  to  America, 
French  set-  where  it  was  styled  King  William’s  War.  The 
French  had  at  that  time  colonies  in  the  undefined 
region  of  Acadia,  on  Cape  Breton,  and  along  the  north  bank 
of  the  St.  Lawrence  as  far  up  as  Montreal.  There  were 
a Lew  small  stockades  scattered  at  long  intervals  through 
the  Illinois  country,  upon  the  banks  of  the  upper  Missis- 
sippi,~af  Chequamegon  Bay  of  Lake  Superior,  at  Sault 
Ste.-Marie,  on  the  St.  Joseph’s  River,  and  elsewhere;  with 
here  arid  there  a lonely  Jesuit  mission,  and  the  movable 
camps  of  coureurs  de  bois.  , Elsewhere,  north  and  west  of 
the  Atlantic  plain,  the  grim  solitude  was  broken  only  by 
bands  of  red  savages,  who  roved  to  and  fro  through  the 
dark  woodlands,  intent  on  war  or  the  chase. 

The  population  of  New  France,  in  this  wide  region, 
was  not,  inj6go,  more  than  twelve  thousand,  against  one 
hundred  thousand  in  New  England  and  New  York.  Had 
it  not  been  for  the  help  of  her  Indian  allies,  the  military 
strength  of  many  of  her  more  important  stations,  and  the 
fighting  qualities  of  her  commanders,  aided  by  division  in 
the  councils  of  the  English  colonists,  New  France  would 
from  the  first  have  made  a feeble  defence  against  the  over- 
powering resources  of  her  southern  neighbors. 


254 


French  Colonics. 


rCh.  XII. 


King  William's  (or  F rontenac’s)  War  was  cosily  to  the 
colonists,  and  resulted  in  no  material  advantage  to  either 
KingWii-  side.  The  French,  under  Governor  Frontenac, 
liam’s  War.  conducted  their  operations  with  vigor.  Three 
winter  expeditions,  composed  almost  entirely  of  Indians, 
were  sent  out  (1690)  against  the  English  frontier  line,  fu- 
riously attacking  it  at  widely  separated  points,  — New 
York,  New  Hampshire,  and  Maine.  In  consequence  of 
the  alarm  created  by  these  raids,  the  first  colonial  con- 
gress washeld  at  New  York  (,1690).  A fleet  commanded 
by  Sir  William  Phipps  (page  177),  with  eighteen  hundred 
New  England  militiamen  on  board,  captured  Acadia  and 
Pprt  Royal  that  summer,  but  Acadia  was  retaken  by  the 
French  the  following  season.  During  the  five  ensuing 
years  fighting  was  confined  to  bushranging  along  the  New 
York  and  New  England  border.  The  struggle  was  with- 
out further  incident  until  Newfoundland  yielded  to  the 
French  (1696),  and  a party  of  French  and  Indians  sacked 
the  little  village  of  Andover,  Mass.  (1697),  but  twenty-five 
miles  out  of  Boston.  Later  in  the  year  came  the  treaty 
of  Ryswick,  under  which  each  belligerent  recovered  what 
he  possessed  at  the  outset  of  the  war. 


112.  Frontier  Wars  (1702-1748). 

. After  the  treaty  of  Ryswick  (1697)  there  was  peace 
between  England  and  France  for  fivejmars.  Then  broke 
Outbreak  out  w'iat ’s  known  in  America  as  .Queen  Annejs 
of  Queen  War  ( 1 702-1 7 1 3),  and  in  Europe  as  the  War 

Anne’s  War.  . „ . , _ . : 

of  the  Spanish  Succession.  The  wap  origin- 
ated in  Europe;  but  one  of  England’s  objects  in  the 
struggle  was  to  prevent  the  French  from  obtaining,  too 
firm  a foot-hold  in  America.  Much  the  same  military 
operations  as  in  King  William’s  War  were  undertaken 
by  both  of  the  American  opponents. 

Three  attempts  were  made  by  New  England  troops  to 


1690— 1 74S-]  Expeditions  against  Canada. 


255 


recapture  Acadia  (1704,  170 7,  and  1710),  the  last  being  / 
successful.  Tire  peace  of  Utrecht  (1713)  recognized 
England’s  right  to  Acadia,  “ with  its  ancient  boun- 
daries,” but  it  brought  only  nominal  peace  to  the  New 
York  and  New  England  colonists.  Unfortunately  the 
„ . northern  and  western  boundaries  of  Acadia 

Continua- 

tmn  ofbor-  were  not  therein  fixed,  and  the  country'  be- 
er  tween  the  Kennebec  and  the  St.  Lawrence 

was  in  as  much  dispute  as  ever.  Border  settlers  all  along 
the  line  from  the  Hudson  to  the  Kennebec  were  in  hourly 
peril  of  their  lives  from  Indian  scalping-parties.  There 
was  abundant  proof  that  the  authorities  of  New  France, 
instructed  by  the  government  at  Paris,  were  actively  in- 
citing the  red  savages  to  forays  for  scalps  and  plunder. 
This  fact  tended  greatly'  to  embitter  the  relations  between 
the  rival  white  races,  and  led  to  measures  of  reprisal. 


The  irregular  War  of  the  Austrian  Succession  when  \ 
it  extended  to  America  was  known  as  King  George's- 
K War  ({744-1748).  The  principal- event  was 

George's  the- capture  (1744)  by  New  "England  troops 
turerofCaP  of  the  strong  fortress  of  Louisbourg,  on  the 
Louisbourg.  js]anc[  0f~  Cape  Breton.  Having  achieved  so 
heroic  a victory'  almost  single-handed,  New  Englanders 
considered  themselves  slighted  by  the  treaty  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  (1748),  by  which  Louisbourg  was  surrendered 
to  France,  and  in  other  respects  the  unfortunate  state 
of  affairs  existing  before  the  war  was  restored.  (^Disap- 
pointment was  openly  expressed,  and  tended  still  further 
to  strain  the  relations  between  the  colonies  and  the 
mother-land,  j 

113.  Territorial  Claims. 


An  attempt  had  been  made  at  the  convention  at  Aix- 
la-Chapelle  to  settle  the  boundary  disputes  in  America 
by  referring  the  matter  to  a commission.  France  now 
asserted  her  right  to  all  countries  drained  by  streams 


> 


256 


French  Colonies. 


[Ch.  xn. 


emptying  into  the  St.  Lawrence,  the  Great  Lakes,  and 
the  Mississippi.  This  allowed,  the  narrow  strip  of  the 
Boundary  Atlantic  coast  would  alone  have  been  le£t~to 
disputes.  English  domination.  It  was  asserted  on  behalf 
of  Great  Britain  that  the  charters  of  her  coast  colonies 
carried  their  western  bounds  to  thp  Pacific;  further,  that 
as  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  France  had  acknowledged  the 
suzerainty  of  the  British  king  over  the  Iroquois  confed- 
eracy, the  English  were  entitled  to  all  lands  “ conquered  ” 
by  those  Indians,  whose  war-paths  had  extended  from 
the  Ottawa  River  on  the  north  to  the  Carolinas  on  the 
south,  and  whose  forays  reached  alike  to  the  Mississippi 
and  to  New  England.  For  three  years  the  commis- 
sioners quarrelled  at  Paris  over  these  conflicting  claims; 
but  the  dispute  was  irreconcilable;  the  only  arbitrament 
possible  was  by  the  sword. 

Meanwhile  both  sides  were  preparing  to  occupy  and 
hold  the  contested  fields.  New  France  already  had  a 
„ , weak  chain  of  water-side  forts  and  commercial 

The  French 

line  of  fron-  stations,  the  rendezvous  of  priests,  fur-traders, 
travellers,  and  friendly  Indians,  extending, 
with  long  intervening  stretches  of  savage-haunted  wil- 
derness, through  the  heart  of  the  continent,  — chiefly  on 
the  shores  of  the  Great  Lakes,  and  the  banks  of  the  prin- 
cipal river  highways,  — from  Lower  Canada  to  her  out- 
lying post  of  New  Orleans.  Around  each  of  these 
frontier  forts  was  a scattered  farming  community,  the 
holdings  being  narrow  fields  reaching  far  back  into  the 
country  from  the  water-front,  with  the  neat  log-cabins 
of  the  habitants  nestled  in  close  neighborhood  upon  the 
banks.  In  the  summer  the  men,  aided  by  their  large 
families,  tilled  the  ribbon-like  patches  in  a desultory 
fashion,  and  in  the  winter  assisted  the  fur-traders  as 
oarsmen  and  pack-carriers.  Many  were  married  to 
squaws,  and  the  younger  portion  of  the  population  was 


Ch.  XII.I  Conflict  Inevitable.  257 

to  a large  extent  half-breed.  They  were  a happy,  con- 
tented people,  without  ambition  beyond  the  day’s  en- 
joyment, combining  with  the  light-heartedness  of  the 
French  the  improvidence  of  the  savage. 

From  1700  on,  the  conflict  seemed  inevitable.  The 
French  realized  that  they  could  not  keep  up  connec- 
The*French  bon  between  New  Orleans  and  their  settle- 
covet  the  ments  on  the  St.  Lawrence  if  not  permitted 

to  hold  the  valley  of  the  Ohio.  Governor 
La  Jonqui£re  (1749-1752)  understood  the  situation,  and 
pleaded  for  the  shipment  of  ten  thousand  French  peas- 
ants to  settle  the  region;  but  the  government  at  Paris 
was  jusf  then  as  indifferent  to  New  France  as  was  King 
George  to  his  colonies,  and  the  settlers  were  not  sent. 

114.  Effect  of  French  Colonization. 

Of  the  region  in  which  were  scattered  the  permanent 
French  settlements,  the  southern  shore  of  the  Great 
Lakes  and  the  Mississippi  valley  eventually  became  a 
part  of  the  United  States;  although  these  settlements 
were  few  and  small,  the  influence  of  French  operations 
in  the  West,  on  the  development  of  the  English  colonies, 
Characters  was  far  reaching.  New  France  will  always 
tics  of  New  be  renowned  for  the  immense  area  held  by 
France.  a small  European  population.  She  was  from 
the  first  hampered  by  serious  drawbacks,  — centraliza- 
tion, paternalism,  official  corruption,  instability  of  system, 
religious  exclusiveness,  the  fascination  of  the  fur-trade,  a 
deadly  Indian  foe,  and  an  inhospitable  climate,  — the  sum 
of  which  was  in  the  end  to  destroy  her  (page  49).  She 
expanded  with  mushroom  growth,  but  was  predestined  to 
collapse.  Yet  more  than  any  other  part  of  North  America, 
the  French  colonies  in  what  is  now  Canada  preserve  the 
language  and  the  customs  of  the  time  of  their  settlement. 


258 


Georgia.  [Ch.  XIII. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  COLONIZATION  OF  GEORGIA  (1732-1755). 


115.  References. 

Bibliographies.  — Winsor’s  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of 
America,- v.  392-406;  Foster’s  Monthly  Reference  Lists,  iii.  10-11; 
Allen’s  History  Topics. 

Historical  Maps.  — No.  4,  this  volume ; MacCoun’s  Historical 
Geography  of  the  United  States. 

General  Accounts.  — Bancroft  (final  ed.),  ii.  268-291  ; Hil- 
dreth, ii.  362-371  ; Bryant  and  Gay,  iii.  140-169  ; Lodge’s  Colonies, 
pp.  1S7-196;  Winsor’s  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America, 
v.  357-392  ; Lecky’s  England  in  the  Eighteenth  Century  (Eng- 
lish ed.). 

Special  Histories.  — Histories  of  Georgia,  by  Jones  and  Ste- 
vens; Lives  of  Oglethorpe,  by  Wright  (1867),  Harris  (1S41),  and 
Bruce  (1890). 

Contemporary  Accounts.  — Oglethorpe’s  New  and  Accurate 
Account  (1732);  Martyn’s  Reasons  for  Establishing  the  Colony  of 
Georgia  (1733);  Account  showing  the  Progress  of  the  Colony  of  Geor- 
gia (1741);  Impartial  Enquiry  into  the  State  and  Utility  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  Georgia  (1741);  Moore’s  Voyage  to  Georgia  (1744);  and 
miscellaneous  letters  and  contemporaneous  documents  in  the  Gentle- 
man’s Magazine  and  London  Magazine. 

■Am)  Settlement  of  Georgia  (1732-1735). 

The  southern  boundary  of  South  Carolina  was  practi- 
cally the  Savannah  River;  but  the  English  claimed  as  far 
Unsettled  south  as  the  St.  John's.  Just  below  the  St. 
territory.  John’s,  and  one  hundred  and  seventy  miles 
south  of  the  Savannah,  lay  the  old  Spanish  colony  of 


I565_I73- ] 


Georgia  Settled. 


259 


St.  Augustine,  founded  (page  34)  in  1 565.  The  country 
between  the  Savannah  and  the  St.  John’s  was  a part  of 
the  old  Carolina  claim;  but  when  the  Carolinas  became 
royal  provinces  the  king  reserved  this  unsettled  district 
as  crown  lands. 

James  Oglethorpe  had  been  an  army  officer;  he  was  a 
member  of  parliament,  and  was  prominent  in  various 
Formation  efforts  at  domestic  reform,  particularly  in  the 
«fa  Com-0r"  improvement  of  the  condition  of  debtors’  pris-; 
Pany-  ons.  Stirred  by  the  terrible  revelations  of  his 

inquiry,  he  engaged  other  wealthy  and  benevolent  men 
with  him,  and  formed  a company  (1732)  for  the  settle- 
ment of  the  reserved  Carolina  tract,  which  was  to  be 
styled  Georgia,  in  honor  of  the  king,  George  II.  The 
proposed  colony  was  to  serve  the  double  purpose  of 
checking  the  threatened  Spanish  advance  upon  the  south- 
ern colonies  in  America,  and  of  furnishing  a home  for 
members  of  the  debtor  class,  who  would  be  given  a 
chance  to  retrieve  their  fortunes  by  a fresh  start  in  life. 
This  scheme,  half  philanthropic  and  half  military,  had 
also  in  view  the  extension  of  the  English  fur-traffic 
among  the  Cherokees,  whose  trade  was  now  being 
eagerly  sought  by  the  Spanish  on  the  south,  and  the 
French  on  the  west. 

The  company  was  given  a charter  under  the  name  of 
“The  Trustees  for  establishing  the  Colony  of  Georgia 
in  America,”  its^land-grant  extending  from 
the  Savannah  to  the  Altamaha.  There  were 
twenty-one  trustees,  with  full  powers  of  management ; 
they  were  to  appoint  the  governor  and  other  officials 
during  the  first  four  years,  — after  that  the  Crown  was  to 
appoint.  No  member  of  the  company  was  to  hold  any 
salaried  colonial  office.  Never  was  a colony  founded 
upon  motives  more  disinterested.  It  was  to  be,  literally, 

“ an  asylum  for  the  oppressed.”  The  settlers  themselves 

c*~!  ^ rj  ( 

‘ (j 


The  charter. 


~/-v> 


Cl,  1 a.. 


260 


[Ch.  XIII. 


Georgia. 

were  not  given  any  political  privileges,  for  it  was  thought 
the  trustees  would  be  better  managers  than  a class  of 
people  who  had  not  heretofore  proved  their  capacity  for 
business  affairs.  Slavery  was  prohibited,  because  it  would 
interfere  with  free  white  labor,  and  a slave  population 
might  prove  dangerous  in  case  of  a frontier  war  with  the 
Spanish.  That  immigration  might  be  encouraged,  and 
thus  that  the  colony  might  be  strong  from  a military 
point  of  view,  it  was  ordered  that  no  one  should  own  over 
five  hundred  acres  of  land.  It  was  also  ordained  that  all 
foreigners  should  have  equal  rights  with  Englishmen, 
that  there  was  to  be  complete  religious  toleration  except 
for  Roman  Catholics,  that  none  but  settlers  of  steady 
habits  should  be  admitted,  that  no  rum  should  be  im- 
ported, and  thatthe  colonists  were  to  practise  military 
drill. 

In  November,  1732,  Oglethorpe,  — appointed  governor 
and  general,  without  pay,  — set  out  from  England  with 
Savannah  thirty-five  selected  families,  and  in  February 
founded.  ( 1 733)  founded  the  city  of  Savannah,  on  a 
bluff  overlooking  Savannah  River,  some  ten  jniles  from 
the  sea.  In  May  he  made  a firm  alliance  with  the 
neighboring  Creeks,  whom  he  treated  with  great  consid- 
eration. The  second  year  (1734)  there  arrived  a num- 
ber of  German  Protestants,  persecuted  exiles  from  Salz- 
burg, who  had  been  invited  to  America  by  the  English 
Society  for  Propagating  the  Gospel.  The  Salzburgers 
proved  a desirable  acquisition,  setting  a much-needed 
example  of  industry  and  thrift.  The  Germans  settled  the 
Other  settle-  town  of  Ebenezer ; in  the  same  year  Augusta 
ments.  was  planted,  two  hundred  and  thirty  miles  up 
the  Savannah  River,  as  a fortified  trading  outpost  in  the 
Indian  country;  while  two  years  later  (1736),  another 
armed  colony  was  sent  to  found  Frederica,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Altamaha,  on  the  Spanish  frontier. 


I732_I741-] 


261 


Development. 

Augusta,  which  in  13741  numbered  but  forty-seven  per- 
manent  inhabitants,  in  addition  to  a small  garrison,  was 
The  fur-  the  chief  seat  of  the  Georgia  and  South  Caro- 
trade.  lina  fur-traffic.  It  was  the  eastern  key  to  the 

Creek,  Chickasaw,  and  Cherokee  hunting-grounds.  In 
17417  it  was  estimated  that  about  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  white  men  — traders,  pack-horse  men,  ser- 
vants, and  townsmen — depended  for  their  livelihood 
upon  the  traffic  centring  at  the  Augusta  station  ; another 
estimate,  made  in  the  same  year,  placed  the  number  of 
horses  engaged  at  five  hundred,  and  the  annual  value  of 
skins  at  fifty  thousancT  pounds.  The  profits  were  great, 
and  would  have  been  larger  but  for  sharp  competition 
in  the  far-away  camps  of  the  barbarians ; there  the 
Georgians  and  Carolinians  met  Frenchmen,  who  had 
wandered  from  far  Louisiana  by  devious  ways,  part 
water,  and  part  land,  and  Virginians,  who  found  their 
way  to  the  southwest  through  the  parallel  valley  system, 
thus  escaping  the  necessity  of  climbing  the  mountain 
wall. 

117.  Slow  development  of  Georgia  (1735-1755). 

The  trustees  perceived  at  last  that  men  who  had  failed 
at  home  were  not  likely  to  be  successful  as  colonists,  and 
Dissatisfac-  sent  over  a Party  °f  Scotch  Highlanders 

tion  of  the  and  yet  more  German  Protestants.  The  col- 

colonists.  , 

ony  now  proved  a success.  Savannah  was 
well  built,  courts  were  established,  the  land-system  was 
well  arranged,  and  Salzburgers,  Moravians,  and  High- 
landers soon  came  out  in  considerable  numbers  (1735- 
1736).  Yet  there  was  no  lack  of  discontent.  The  very 
class  for  whom  the  colony  was  founded  formed  its  most . 
undesirable  inhabitants  ; hardly  a regulation  originally 
established  for  their  supposed  benefit  was  to  their  taste, 
idle  and  worthless  fellows  were  numerous,  and  soma 


262 


[Ch.  XIII. 


Georgia. 


o \ 

f£ 


against 

Spanish 

Florida. 


of  them,  finding  their  complaints  unheeded,  fled  to  the 
Carolinas  or  to  join  the  rough  borderers.  Among  the  set- 
tlers were  three  enthusiastic  sectaries,  Charles  Wesley, 
secretary  to  Oglethorpe,  his  brother  John,  a missionary 
to  the  Indians,  and  George  Whitefield,  who  succeeded  the 
latter  after  he  returned  to  England.  Whitefield  in  later 
years  deeply  stirred  the  American  colonists,  from  Florida 
to  New  England,  in  his  efforts  to  arouse  in  them  a strong 
religious  conviction  (page  190.) 

7iri736,  Oglethorpe  made  an  expedition  to  the  south 
as  far  as  the  English  claim  extended,  and  planted  several 
Expedition  forts.  At  the  same  time  he  made  a treaty 
with  the  Chickasaws,  and  thus  strengthened 
the  southern  line.  Three  years  later  (1739 \ 
war  broke  out  between  Spain  and  England.  Fearing 
that  he  might  not  be  able  to  withstand  an  attack  from 
the  Spaniards,  Oglethorpe  took  the  offensive  (1740),  and 
marching  into  Florida  planted  himself  before  St.  Augus- 
tine, which  had  a garrison  of  two  thousand  men,  well 
supplied  with  artillery.  Troops  from  Carolina  soon  came 
up.  Sickness  breaking  out  in  the  camp,  and  many  of  the 
Carolinians  deserting,  the  siege,  which  had  been  gallantly 
conducted,  was  at  last  abandoned. 

Up  to  this  time  the  Spaniards  had  been  obliged  to 
stand  on  the  defensive  ; Cuba  was  threatened  by  a large 
The  Span-  English  squadron, — but  the  attack  there  proved 
cessfuiiyTe-'  a fa^ure>  and  opportunity  was  given  for  con- 
taliate.  centrating  Spanish  troops  in  Florida.  In  1742 
a heavyr  assault  by  land  and  sea  was  made  on  Frederica. 
By  a combination  of  bravery  and  superior  stratagem, 
Oglethorpe  succeeded  in  holding  the  place  until  the  ene- 
my's fleet  was  frightened  off  by  the  arrival  of . English 
vessejj,  and  Georgia  was  henceforth  free  from  Spanish 
invasion. 

Oglethorpe  returned  to  England  the  following  year 


I743-I/52-] 


Slow  Growth. 


263 

(1743),  never  to  return  to  the  colony.  The  trustees  now 
placed  the,, government  in  charge  of  a president  and  four 
A change  of  assistants.  But  after  the  departure  of  its  gal- 
pohcy.  lant  and  public-spirited  founder  the  colony  no 
longer  flourished,  and  in  a vain  attempt  to  remove  causes 
for  dissatisfaction  the  company  made  matters  worse. 
Slavery  was  introduced  (174Q),  free  traffic  in  rum  was 
permitted,  and  restrictions  on  the  acquisition  of  land  were 
removed.  Discontent  grew  apace  among  the  original 
settlers,  who  were  always  hard  to  suit;  only  the  High- 
landers and  Germans  remained  satisfied. 

In  1752,  the  charter  was  surrendered  by  the  disap- 
pointecTproprietors,  and  Georgia  became  a royal  province, 
A royal  with  a government  similar  to  that  of  South 
province.  Carolina.  The  change  wrought  improvement 
in  many  ways) 

Georgia  was  the  last  of  the  thirteen  colonies  to  be 
founded,  and  remained  one  of  the  weakest  until  long  after 
Character-  Rie  Revolution.  Its  history  is  a proof  that  the 
istics  of  robust  growth  of  a colony  depends,  not  upon 
the  character  and  aims  of  its  founders,  but 
upon  the  slow  accretion  of  public  sentiment  and  public 
•spirit. 


264 


Colonial  Development. 


[Ch.  XIV. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  CONTINENTAL  COLONIES  FROM  1700 
TO  1750. 


118.  References. 

Bibliographies. — YVinsor’s  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of 
America,  v.  156-1S8  (New  England),  233-258  (Middle  Colonies),  270- 
284  (Maryland  and  Virginia!,  335-353  (Carolinas),  392-406  (Georgia); 
Foster’s  Monthly  Reference  Lists,  iii.  27-28;  Allen’s  History  Topics. 

Historical  Maps.  — Nos.  3 and  4,  this  volume.  MacCoun’s  His- 
torical Geography  of  the  United  States  ; Ridpath’s  United  States,  pp, 
86,  122;  Scudder’s  United  States,  p.  138. 

General  Accounts.  — Bancroft  (final  ed.),  ii.  212-565  ; Hildreth, 
ii.  220-513;  Bryant  and  Gay,  iii.  3S-328 ; Lodge’s  Colonies,  pp.  26- 
36  (Virginia),  10S-111  (Maryland),  140-145  (North  Carolina),  163-170 
(South  Carolina),  187-196  (Georgia),  215-226  (Pennsylvania),  267- 
272  (New  Jersey),  301-311  (New  York),  362-372  (Massachusetts), 
381-384  (Connecticut),  393-396  (Rhode  Island),  401-405  (New  Hamp- 
shire); Doyle’s  United  States,  pp.  126-145,  189-224;  Winsor’s  Nar- 
rative and  Critical  History  of  America,  v.  87-156  (New  England),  1S9- 
231  (Middle  Colonies),  259-270  (Maryland  and  Virginia),  285-335 
(Carolinas),  357-392  (Georgia)  , Lecky's  England  in  the  Eighteenth 
Century,  ii.  1-21. 

Special  Histories.  — Palfrey’s  New  England,  iii.  125-469;  iv. 
1-376.  In  addition  to  State  histories  cited  at  heads  of  previous  chap- 
ters, consult  histories  of  Georgia  by  Jones  and  Stevens.  On  colonial 
issues  of  paper  money,  see  Lalor’s  Cyclopaedia  of  Political  Science,  i. 
204-206.  On  colonial  taxation,  read  Ely’s  Taxation  in  American 
States  and  Cities,  pp.  105-115.  On  population,  examine  Dexter’s 
Estimates  of  Population  in  the  American  Colonies. 

Contemporary  Accounts.  — Hutchinson’s  History  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  vols.  ii.  and  iii.  ; Burnaby’s  Travels  through  the  Middle 
Settlements  in  North  America  (1759-1760);  Madame  Knight’s  Jour 
nal  (1704);  John  Fontaine  s Diary  (1710-1716);  Franklin’s  Auto- 
biography ; John  Woolman’s  Journal. 


1700-1750.] 


Population. 


265 


119.  Population  (1700-1750). 

Up  to  1700  the  history  of  each  colony  is  the  history  of 
a unit ; the  impulse  of  colonization  came  in  successive 
Phases  of  waves,  but  each  little  commonwealth  had  its 
common  de-  own  interests,  its  own  struggles,  and  looked 
velopment.  forwar(j  t0  jfg  own  future.  From  1 700  to  1 750, 
though  the  separate  life  and  history  of  each  colony  con- 
tinued, there  were  perceptible  certain  great  phases  of 
common  development,  which  will  be  briefly  outlined. 

Although  disturbed  by  wars  with  the  French  and  In- 
dians, by  domestic  political  quarrels,  and  by  disputes  with 
Growth  of  the  mother  country  regarding  the  regulation  of 
population,  commerce  and  manufactures,  there  was  a steady 
growth  of  population  in  British  North  America  during 
the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century.  The  rewards  of 
industry  were  sufficient,  coupled  with  considerable  relig- 
ious and  political  freedom,  to  entice  a continuous,  though 
fluctuating,  immigration  from  England  and  the  continent 
of  Europe.  In  New  England,  where  the  English  stock 
was  practically  unmixed  with  foreign  blood,  the  rate  of 
progress  was  less  pronounced  than  in  Pennsylvania  and 
the  South,  which  were  largely  recruited  from  other  races. 
In  1700,  the  population  of  New  England  was  something 
qver  one  hundred  and  five  thousand.  By  the  beginning  of 
tire  French  and  Indian  War  (1754)  it  was  a little  less  than 
four  hundred  thousand,  New  Hampshire  having  forty  thou- 
sand, Massachusetts  and  Maine  two  hundred  thousand, 
Rhode  Island  forty  thousand,  and  Connecticut  a hundred 
and  ten  thousand.  The  middle  colonies  commenced  the 
century  with  fifty-nine  thousand ; but  by  1 750  this  had, 
chiefly  owing  to  the  exceptionally  rapid  growth  of  Penn- 
sylvania after  1730,  increased  to  three  hundred  and  fifty- 
five  thousand,  of  which  New  York  contained  ninety  thou- 
sand, New  Jersey  eighty  thousand,  and  Pennsylvania  and 


266  Colonial  Development.  [Ch.  xiv. 

Delaware  one  hundred  and  eighty-five  thousand.  In  the 
Southern  group  there  was  a population  of  eighty-nine  thou- 
sand in  1 700,  which  had  grown  to  six  hundred  and  twenty- 
five  thousand  in  1763,  not  counting  Georgia,  settled  in 
1 733,  which  in  twenty  years  had  acquired  a population 
of  five  thousand;  Maryland  had  a hundred  and  fifty-four 
thousand,  chiefly  Englishmen,  but  there  was  a liberal  ad- 
mixture of  Germans  and  people  of  other  nationalities. 
Virginia  had  nearly  three  hundred  thousand,  of  whom  the 
blacks  were  now  in  the  majority.  North  Carolina,  im- 
portant in  numbers  only,  had  ninety  thousand,  of  whom 
twenty  per  cent  were  slaves ; South  Carolina  had  eighty 
thousand,  the  blacks  outnumbering  the  whites  by  two  or 
three  to  one.  The  total  for  the  thirteen  colonies  in  1750 
is  about  thirteen  hundred  and  seventy  thousand. 

120.  Attacks  on  the  Charters  (1701-1749;. 

For  many  years  the  New  England  charters  were  in  im- 
minent danger  of  annulment,  the  purpose  apparently  be- 
Attack  on  ing  to  place  the  colonies  under  a vice-regal 
England7  government.  Those  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode 
charters.  Island  were  the  liberal  documents  granted  to 
them  early  in  their  career ; electing  their  own  governors, 
they  were  practically  independent  of  the  mother-country, 
and  the  general  movement  against  the  charters  had  these 
two  especially  in  view.  From  1 701'  to  1749,  the  charters 
were  seriously  menaced  at  various  times ; but  on  each  oc- 
casion the  astute  diplomacy  of  the  colonial  agents  in  Eng- 
land succeeded  in  warding  off  the  threatened  attack. 
Worthy  of  especial  mention  in  this  connection  are  Sir 
Henry  Ashurst,  the  representative  of  Connecticut,  and 
Jeremiah~T5umrner,  his  successor.  In  1 715,  at  a time 
when  it  was  proposed  to  annex  Rhode  Island  and  Con- 
necticut to  the  unchartered  royal  province  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, Dummer  issued  his  now  famous  Defence  of  the 


1701-1729-]  Attacks  on  the  Charters. 


267 


American  Charters,  in  which  he  forcibly  argued,  — (1) 
That  the  colonies  “ have  a good  and  undoubted  right  to 
their  respective  charters,”  inasmuch  as  they  had  been  irre- 
vocably granted  by  the  sovereign  “ as  premiums  for  ser- 
vices to  be  performed.”  (2)  “ That  these  governments 
have  by  no  misbehavior  forfeited  their  charters,”  and 
were  in  no  danger  of  becoming  formidable  to  the  mother- 
land. (3)  That  to  repeal  the  charters  would  endanger 
colonial  prosperity,  and  “ whatever  injures  the  trade  of 
the  plantations  must  in  proportion  affect  Great  Britain, 
the  source  and  centre  of  their  commerce.”  (4)  That  the 
charters  should  be  proceeded  against  in  lower  courts  of 
justice,  not  in  parliament.  Dummer’s  presentment  of  the 
case  was  regarded  by  the  friends  of  the  colonies  as  un- 
answerable, and  was  largely  instrumental  in  causing  an 
ultimate  abandonment  of  the  ministerial  attack  on  the 
New  England  charters. 

In  1728.  as  a consequence  of  popular  disturbances  in 
the  Carolinas,  a writ  of  quo  warranto  was  issued  against 
The  Caroli-  the  charter,  and  the  proprietors  sold  their  in- 
roya'Tpro-6  terests  to  the  Crown.  A royal  governor  was  now 
vinces.  sent  out  to  each  province.  Heretofore,  North 
Carolina  had  been  nominally  ruled  by  a deputy  serving 
under  the  South  Carolina  governor. 

121.  Settlement  and  Boundaries  (1700-1750). 

Boundary  disputes  were  a constant  source  of  interco- 
lonial irritation.  There  were  long  and  vexatious  boundary 
Boundary  wrangles  between  Connecticut  and  her  neigh- 
disputes.  bors,  Rhode  Island,  New  York,  and  Massachu- 
setts. In  1683  an  agreement  reached  between  Connecticut 
and  New  York  was  the  basis  of  the  present  line,  surveyed 
in  1878-1879  ; it  was  1826  before  the  final  survey  between 
Connecticut  and  Massachusetts ; the  quarrel  between 
Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  was  protracted  and 


268  Colonial  Development.  [Ch.  XIV. 

heated,  the  line  between  them  not  being  definitively  es- 
tablished until  1840.  Wentworth,  the  first  royal  governor 
of  New  Hampshire  (1740-1767),  made  large  land-grants, 
which  overlapped  territory  claimed  by  New  York,  and 
thus  brought  on  a protracted  boundary  controversy  be- 
tween those  two  provinces.  Patents  covering  both  sides 
of  Lake  Champlain  were  alike  issued  by  New  York  and 
New  Hampshire;  the  settlers  east  of  the  lake  organ- 
ized in  revolt,  under  the  cognomen  of  Green  Mountain 
Boys,  and  were  preparing  to  set  up  a government  of  their 
own,  when  the  Revolution  broke  out,  and  in  1777  the  un- 
acknowledged government  of  Vermont  was  formed.  A set- 
tlement of  the  boundary  was  not  reached  until  Vermont 
was  admitted  to  the  Union  (1791).  The  boundary  disputes 
of  New  York  with  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  were 
settled  prior  to  the  Revolution.  In  1737  a boundary  com- 
mission adopted  the  present  line  between  Massachusetts 
and  New  Hampshire.  The  same  commission  estab- 
lished the  present  western  boundary  of  Maine.  In  a con- 
test between  Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Island,  the  former 
claimed  a portion  of  the  latter’s  territory,  on  the  ground 
that  it  was  included  in  the  old  Plymouth  patent ; but  in 
the  final  settlement  Rhode  Island  retained  possession. 
The  Penn  and  Baltimore  families  long  wrangled  over  the 
boundaries  between  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland.  An 
agreement  was  reached  in  1732,  and  ratified  by  a conven- 
tion in  1760:  under  its  terms,  Charles  Mason  and  Jere- 
miah Dixon,  two  eminent  London  mathematicians,  ran  the 
famous  “Mason  and  Dixon  line”  (1767),  separating  the 
southern  colonies  from  the  northern.  The  boundary  line 
between  the  Carolinas  was  not  defined  until  1735-1746.  To 
the  north  and  west,  English  boundary  disputes  with  the 
French  led  to  protracted  and  harassing  wars;  while  to 
the  south,  Georgia’s  claims  clashed  with  those  of  the 
Spaniards  in  Florida,  and  during  the  war  beween  Spain 


1710-1770  ] Boundaries  and  Frontiers. 


269 


and  England  occasion  was  taken  by  Oglethorpe  (1740), 
governor  of  Georgia,  to  invade  Spanish  territory  (page  262). 

No  man  of  his  time  was  more  energetic  in  pushing  the 
confines  of  settlement  and  encouraging  development  than- 
Spotswood^  Governor  Spotswood  of  Virginia  (1710-1722), 
enterprising  a stalwart  soldier  who  had  fought  under  Marl- 
borough. He  built  iron  furnaces,  introduced 
German  vine-growers,  made  peace  with  the  Indians,  and 
esTabHIhecT  several  excellent  mission  schools  for  them 
uporTthe  frontier  ; under  his  ad  ministration  the  fur-trade 
spread  far  inland,  and  he  did  much  to  extend  topographi- 
cal knowledge  of  Virginia  by  fostering  exploration. 

The  Shenandoah  valley,  opened  to  settlement  by 
Spotswood,  became,  after  1730,  a notable  home  for 
Scotch-Irish  Presbyterians,  driven  by  English  persecu- 
-7  ''TicnrfroTfrfheTrhome  in  Ulster.  '.They  were  by 
tain  bor-  this  time  coming  over  to  America  in  twoj>teady 
streams,  one  pouring  in  at  Philadelphia,  and  the 
other  at  Charleston,  S.JC.  Those  arriving  at  Philadel- 
phia pushed  westward  to-  the  mountains,  and  drifting 
southwestward  through  the  long  parallel  valleys  of  the 
Alleghany  range,  met  in  the  Shenandoah  and  kindred 
valleys  those  of  their  brethren  who  had  gone  up  into  the 
hills  of  Carolina.  It  was  from  these  frontier  valley  homes 
that  the  migration  into  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  pro- 
ceeded a generation  later,  led  by  such  daring  spirits  as 
Boone,  Sevier,  and  Robertson. 

122.  Schemes  of  Colonial  Union  (1690-1754). 

Schemes  for  a union  of  the  colonies,  to  provide  for  the 
common  defence  and  settle  intercolonial  differences,  were 
Govern-  numerous  enough,  after  the  example  set  by  the 
mental  New  England  Confederacy  (Chapter  VI I.). 
plans.  They  emanated  almost  entirely,  however,  from 
the  government  party,  and  chiefly  for  this  reason  were 


2 JO 


Colonial  Development.  [Ch.  XIV. 

regarded  with  popular  suspicion.  In  1690  a continental 
congress  had  been  held  at  New  York  for  the  purpose  of 
treating  with  the  Iroquois  against  the  common  enemy, 
New  France  (page  206).  In_i_6_97  William  Penn  laid  be- 

fore the  Board  of  Trade  a plan  providing  for  a high  com- 
missioner, appointed  by  the  king,  to  preside  over  a council 
composed  of  two  delegates  from  each  province,  and  to 
act  as  commander-in-chief  in  times  of  war.  (*The  scheme 
aroused  much  opposition  from  colonial  pamphleteers,  and 
failed  of  adoption  pother  plans  which  were  promulgated 
from  time  to  time,  for  the  next  sixty  years,  were  in  the 
main  adaptations  of  Penn’s,  some  of  them  providing  for 
two  or  three  strongly  centralized  provinces,  each  to  be 
presided  over  by  a viceroy,  assisted  by  a council  of 
colonial  delegates. 

While  the  Board  of  Trade,  distracted  by  doubts  whether 
the  colonies  could  be  more  firmly  held  as  separate  gov- 
Neighbor-  ernments  or  under  a viceregal  union,  was  en- 
hood  con-  gaged  in  considering  the  various  propositions 
submitted  to  it,  several  neighborhood  con- 
gresses were  held  by  the  provinces  themselves,  chiefly  to 
treat  with  Indians  or  for  purposes  of  defence.  But  these 
congresses  were  in  no  sense  popular  meetings  ; they  were 
composed  of  the  official  class,  and  had  little  more  effect 
on  the  people  than  to  accustom  them  to  the  spectacle  of 
colonial  union  for  matters  of  common  interest. 

In  1 754  the  Lords  of  Trade  recommended  a second  gen- 
eral congress  of  the  colonies,  to  treat  with  the  Iroquois 
'-  The  second  af?a*n  > they  also  favored  “ articles  of  union 
colonial  . and  confederation  with  each  other  for  the  mu- 
congress.  tuaj  defence  of  his  Majesty’s  subjects  and  in- 
terests in  North  America,  as  well  in  time  of  peace_as 
war.”  The  congress  was  held  at  Albany.  Only  seven 
of  the  colonies  were  represented, — New  Hampshire, 
Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York, 


1690-1754-] 


Colonial  Unions . 


271 


Pennsylvania,  and  Maryland.  The  convention  adopted 
a plan  of  union  prepared  by  Franklin,  providing  for  a 
general  government  that  should  be  self-sustaining  and 
control  federal  affairs, — war,  Indians,  and  public  lands, 

— while  the  colonial  governments  were  to  retain  their 
constitutions  intact.  The  plan  was  rejected  by  the 
Its  plan  of  colonial  assemblies.  Franklin  himself  wrote: 

union  re-  “The  Crown  disapproved  it,  as  having  too 

much  weight  in  the  democratic  part  of  the 
constitution,  and  every  assembly  as  having  allowed  too 
much  to  prerogative.”  The  defeat  of  the  Albanyplan 
marks  the  end  of  efforts  at  union  on  the  part  of  the 
official  class.  The  next  movement  came  from  the  peo- 
ple themselves,  as  the  result  of  oppression  on  the  part 
of  the  mother-country. 

123.  Quarrels  with  Royal  Governors  (1700-1750). 

The  history  of  the  English  continental  colonies  during 
the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century  was  largely  made 
Quarrels  be-  up  of  petty  bickerings  between  the  popular  as-  £*- 
norsand Ver"  s5mblies  and  the  royal  governors.  The  salary 
assemblies,  question  was  the  most  prominent  feature  of 
these  disputes.  Acting  under  orders  from  the  Crown,  the 
governor  in  each  colony  insisted  on  being  paid  a regular 
salary  at  stated  intervals ; but  the  assembly  as  persist- 
ently refused,  and  desiring  to  keep  him  dependent  upon 
them,  voted  from  time  to  time  such  sums  as  they  chose]} 

The  principle  at  stake  was  important:  a fixed  salary  grant 
would  have  been  in  the  nature  of  a tax  imposed  by  the 
Crown.  Had  the  assembly  been  complaisant,  the  govern- 
ment  would  have  been  thrown  into  the  hands  of  the  royal 
governor  and  council,  through  their  absolute  power  to 
veto  laws.  The  acrimonious  contention  was  greatly  dis- 
turbing to  all  material  interests,  but  it  served  as  a most 
valuable  constitutional  training  school  for  the  Revolution. 


272  Colonial  Development.  [Ch.  "XIV. 

At  times,  in  Boston,  excitement  over  this  perennial 
quarrel  ran  to  a high  pitch,  and  now  and  then  it  looked  as 
The  salary  though  the  assembly  would  be  obliged  to  yield ; 
Massachu-  but  I'16  men  Massachusetts  were  of  stubborn 
setts.  clay,  and  never  displayed  more  bravery  than 

when  the  governor,  backed  by  writs  from  England,  threat- 
ened them  the  loudest.  In  1728,  the  assembly,  defended 
itself,  saying  it  was  “the  undoubted  right  of  all  English- 
men, by  Magna  Charta,  to  raise  and  dispose  of  money  for 
the  public  service  of  their  own  free  accord,  without  com- 
pulsion.” The  Privy  Council  at  last  yielded  the  point 
(1735),  and  left  the  Massachusetts  governor  free  to  re- 
ceive whatever  the  assembly  chose  to  grant.  In  some 
of  the  colonies  this  salary  question*  resulted  in  frequent 
deadlocks,  in  which  all  public  business  was  at  a stand- 
still. 

124.  Governors  of  Southern  Colonies. 

Other  differences  between  the  governors  and  their  as- 
semblies hinged  on  claims  of  prerogative,  fees  for  issuing 
Other  dif-  land-titles,  issues  of  paper  money,  offiqiaL_at- 
ferences.  tempts  to  favor  the  Church  of  England  at  the 
expense  of  dissenters,  and  levies  of  men  and  money  for  the 
public  defence.  There  were  also  special  grievances  in  many 
South  Caro-  ^ Provinces-  In  South  Carolina  (1704- 
lina’s  expe-  1706),  the  proprietors  attempted  to  exclude  all 

nence  \ ” ■ ■ 

but  Church  of  England  men  from  the  assem- 
bly. This  led  to  a bitter  controversy,  in  which  the  dis- 
senters successfully  appealed  to  the  House  of  Lords,  and 
legal  proceedings  were  commenced  by  the  Crown  for 
the  revocation  of  the  Carolina  charter;  but  they  were 
not  then  pushed  to  an  issue.  In  1719  the  meddlesome 
executive  policy  of  the  proprietors  resulted  in  a popular 
uprising,  in  which  the  governor  was  deposed.  Later,  the 
authorities  (1754-1765)  attempted  to  resist  the  issue.^of 
paper  money,  and  also  to  reduce  representation  in  the 


1700-1722.]  Southern  Turbulence. 


27  3 


assembly,  while  at  the  same  time  the  home  government 
introduced  some  offensive  regulations  regarding  land 
patents.  Popular  indignation  again  expressed  itself  in 
bloody  turbulence,  and  the  colony  fell  into  great  disorder. 

In  North  Carolina  the  scattered  colonists  maintained 
a vigorous  resistance  to  arbitrary  authority ; (the  tone  of 
North  Caro-  official  life  was  low ; .'corruption  in  office  was 
Lna.  common  ; contests  over  questions  of  public  pol- 

icy often  led  to  rioting  and  anarchy/;  bloodshed  was  not 
infrequent  in  such  times  of  popular  disturbance)  I n the  far 
western  valleys  there  was  for  a long  period  no  pretence  of 
law  or  order,  and  criminals  of  every  sort  found  a safe 
refuge  there  ; while  pirates  — until  Blaekbeard’s  capture 
by  Governor  Spotswood  of  Virginia  in  1718 — freely  used 
the  deep-coast  inlets  as  snug  harbors,  from  which  they 
darted  out  with  rakish  craft  to  attack  passing  merchant- 
vessels.  From  1704  to  1711  there  was  practically  no 
government  in  the  province,  owing  to  an  insurrection 
headed  by  Thomas  Carey,  whom  Governor  Spotswood 
finally  arrested  (1710)  and  sent  prisoner  to  England. 

During  the  administration  of  Governor  Nicholson 
(1698-1705)  the  Virginia  assembly  had  quietly  gained 
control  of  the  financial  machinery,  by  making 

Virginia.  , „ - . . 

the  treasurer  an  officer  of  its  own  appointment. 
When,  therefore,  the  customary  eighteenth-century  wrang- 
ling commenced,  the  assembly  was  master  of  the  situa- 
tion. The  burgesses  refused  to  vote  money  for  public 
defence  until  the  governors  yielded  their  claims  of  pre- 
rogative, and  land-title  fees. 

125.  Governors  of  Middle  Colonies. 

Nowhere  was  the  weary  disagreement  between  gov- 
ernor and  assembly  so  harmful  to  provincial  interests  as 
in  Pennsylvania.  There  were  elements  in  the  contention 
there  not  existing  elsewhere.;  The  Penn  family,  as  the 
18 


274  Colonial  Development.  [Ch.  XIV. 

proprietors,  resisted  the  proposed  inclusion  of  their  lands 
in  tax  levies  for  the  conduct  of  military  operations,  while 
Pennsyl-  the  assembly  for  many  years  would  vote  no 
vama.  money  for  such  purposes  or  pay  the  gover- 

nor’s salary,  except  on  the  condition  that  the  proprietary 
estates  paid  their  share  in  the  cost  of  defence.  The 
proprietors  finally  yielded  (1759).  Other  points  of 
difference  were,  — the  assertion  of  the  gubernatorial  pre- 
rogative of  establishing  courts,  and  proprietary  opposi- 
tion to  the  reckless  issues  of  paper  money  frequently 
ordered  by  the  assembly.  The  Quakers  were  opposed  to 
warfare  on  principle  ; they  would  neither  take  up  arms 
themselves  in  defence  of  the  borderers  from  the  French 
and  Indians,  nor,  except  when  driven  to  it  in  times  of 
great  distress,  vote  money  to  equip  or  pay  volunteers. 
They  had,  too,  a great  objection  to  levying  and  paying 
taxes and  in  this  they  found  strong  allies  in  the  Ger- 
mans, who  had  now  come  over  in  large  numbers,  chiefly 
to  settle  on  wild  lands  in  the  interior  of  the  province. 
Most  of  the  Germans  and  Quakers  would  go  to  almost 
any  length  in  compromise  with  the  Indian  and  French 
invaders  who  were  mercilessly  destroying  the  pioneer  set- 
tlements. The  proprietors  and  their  governors  fretted 
and  threatened ; the  English  government  sent  over  order 
after  order  to  the  stubborn  legislators ; the  borderers 
plied  the  deputies  with  heartrending  appeals  for  aid:  yet 
the  assembly  long  maintained  its  obstinate  course,  now 
and  then  grudgingly  voting  insufficient  issues  of  depre- 
ciated bills  of  credit. 

Lord  Cornbury,  who  succeeded  the  Earl  of  Bellomont 
as  governor  of  New  York  and  New  Jersey  (1702),  was 
k not  a man  to  inspire  respect,  being  profligate 
and  overbearing ; he  opposed  ^popular  inter- 
ests, winning  especial  hatred  through  his  petty  persecu- 
tion of  dissenters  from  the  Church  of  England.  He  was 


1700-175°'] 


Middle  Colonies. 


275 


recalled  in  1 70S,  in  response  to  general  denunciation  of 
his  course.  His  successors  were  in  continuous  and  often 
acrimonious  controversy  with  their  assemblies,  but  gen- 
erally succeeded  in  inducing  the  deputies  to  contribute 
with  more  or  less  liberality  to  the  conduct  of  expeditions 
against  the  French  and  Indians. 

Governor  Belcher  of  New  Jersey  (1748-1757),  who  had 
been  worsted  in  a heated  salary  contest  in  Massachusetts 

( 1 730-1 741),  and  had  profited  by  experience. 

New  Jersey  ' ' J 

was  now  one  of  the  few  executives  who  under- 
stood how  to  handle  an  assembly.  By  an  obliging  tem- 
per he  readily  secured  the  passage  of  such  revenue  bills 
as  were  essential  to  the  proper  defence  of  the  colony 
in  the  French  and  Indian  war,  and  avoided  serious 
dispute.  J/Qd. I \ 

126.  Governors  of  New  England  Colonies. 

The  brief  term  of  Sir  William  Phipps  (1692-1695),  as 
governor  of  Massachusetts,  — a province  then  extending 
Phipps’s  all  the  way  from  Rhode  Island  to  New  Bruns- 
Massac!m-ln  wick,  with  the  exception  of  New  Hampshire, — 
sens.  Was  filled  with  bitterness  and  disappointment. 

At  the  outset  of  his  career  and  the  inauguration  of  the 
new  charter  (page  176),  the  assembly  in  the  absence  of 
any  provision  under  that  head,  enacted  that  taxes  were 
only  to  be  levied  in  the  province  with  the  consent  of  the 
assembly.  Had  this  rule  been  accepted  by  the  Crown  it 
would  have  left  little  occasion  for  quarrels  between  gov- 
ernor and  people  ; its  rejection  by  the  home  government 
left  the  door  open  to  a train  of  events  which  ended, 
eighty-four  years  later,  in  continental  independence.  The 
witchcraft  delusion  (page  190)  had  stirred  the  colony  to 
its  centre,  and  Phipps  gained  no  friends  from  his  attitude 
in  that  affair ; he  angered  Boston  and  crippled  its  politi- 
cal influence  by  securing  the  passage  of  a law  (1694)  that 


276 


Colonial  Development.  [C;i.  XIV. 

deputies  to  the  assembly  must  be  residents  of  the  dis- 
tricts they  represented  ; and  his  temper  was  so  testy  that 
at  the  time  of  his  recall  he  was  engaged  in  a quarrel  with 
nearly  every  leading  man  in  the  province. 

The  Earl  of  Bellomont  came  over  in  1698  as  governor 
of  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Massachusetts,  and  New 
The  Earl  of  Hampshire.  In  November  the  General  Court 
and  Massa-  Massachusetts  invited  him  to  visit  Boston 
chusetts.  “ so  soon  as  the  season  of  the  year  might 
comfortably  admit  his  undertaking  so  long  and  difficult  a 
journey.”  In  the  following  spring  (1699)  he  responded 
to  the  call.  In  Massachusetts  Bellomont  won  favor  by 
siding,  as  he  had  in  New  York,  with  the  popular  party, 
and  recommending  to  his  government  the  introduction  of 
many  reforms.  Tn  Rhode  Island,  where  he  tarried  by  the 
way,  he  found  much  to  dissatisfy  him,  and  reported  the 
people  as  being  ignorant,  in  a state  of  political  and  moral 
S'  disorder,  with  an  indifferent  set  of  public  officials,  who 
were  corrupt  and  abetted  the  pirates  who  swarmed  in 
Narragansett  Bay.  Bellomont  promptly  devoted  himself 
to  the  suppression  of  these  sea-robbers,  and  in  the  year  of 
his  own  death  (1701)  brought  the  notorious  Kidd  to  the 
gallows.  Bellomont’s  conciliatory  attitude  towards  Mas- 
sachusetts did  not  please  the  English  Board  of  Trade, 
which  sent  him  warning  that  the  colonists  had  “ a thirst 
for  independency,”  as  was  particularly  exemplified  in 
their  “ denial  of  appeals.” 

Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  were  left  with  their  old 
charters  and  their  popularly  elected  governors,  and  thus 
Connecticut  were  happily  spared  those  quarrels  over  sala- 
islandfree  ries>  Prerogatives,  and  fees  which  elsewhere  in 
from  dis-  the  colonies  aroused  so  much  ill-feeling.  Gov- 
putes'  ernor  Fletcher  of  New  York  was  commissioned 
to  take  military  control  of  Connecticut.  He  went  to  Hart- 
ford (1693)  to  assert  his  right;  but  meeting  with  rude 


1692-1750]  New  England  Governors. 


2 77 


treatment,  felt  impelled  to  return  home,  and  little  more  was 
heard  from  him.  Like  Massachusetts,  Connecticut  was 
successful  in  preventing  legal  appeals  to  England. 

In  New  Hampshire  — which  was  separated  from  Mas- 
sachusetts in  1741  and  became  a royal  province  — there 
The  Mason  had  been  more  than  a century  of  dispute  be- 
c'aim  in  New  tween  the  settlers  and  the  proprietors  respect- 
Hampshire.  ]y[ason  claim,  and  much  confusion  had 

at  times  arisen.  The  matter  was  at  last. ended  by  the 
purchase  of  the  claim  by  a land  company  (1749),  which 
released  all  of  the  settled  tracts. 

127.  Effect  of  the  French  Wars  (1700-1750). 

The  aggressions  of  the  French  and  their  policy  of  incit- 
ing the  northern  and  western  Indians  to  murderous  attacks 
War  with  on  '•he  sl°wty  advancing  English  frontier,  kept 
French  and  the  colonies  which  abutted  on  New  France  in 
n lan  ' an  almost  constant  statepof  excitement.  Those 
provinces  which  had  no  Indian  frontier,  such  as  Mary- 
land, Delaware,  New  Jersey,  and  Rhode  Island,  and  the 
Carolinas,  — which  latter  had,  however,  several  desperate 
local  Indian  uprisings  to  quell,  — experienced  but  little 
alarm  over  the  common  danger,  viewed  schemes  of  union 
with  indifference,  and  contributed  but  grudgingly  to  the 
funds  and  expeditions  for  general  defence.  Pennsylvania 
was  open  to  attack  along  an  extended  border;  the  Ger- 
mans and  Quakers  be:ng  opposed  to  making  war  on 
Indians,  her  frontier  suffered  greatly  from  frequent  raids 
of  the  enemy.  New  York,  being  on  the  highway  between 
the  Atlantic  coast  and  the  Great  Lakes  and  Canada,  was 
the  scene  of  many  bloody  encounters.  No  other  province 
was  so  greatly  exposed,  and  on  none  did  the  cost  of  the 
prolonged  and  desperate  contest  between  the  French  and 
English  in  America  so  heavily  fall.  In  1706,  during 
Queen  Anne’s  war  (1702-17 13),  the  French  made  an 


27  8 


Colonial  Development.  [Ch.  XIV. 

unavailing  attack  on  Charleston,  South  Carolina.  In  the 
capture  of  Port  Royal  (1710),  New  England  men  chiefly 
participated,  and  they  were  otherwise  prominent  through- 
out the  war.  In  King  George’s  War  (1744-1748),  New 
Englanders  alone  took  part,  although  New  York  and  a 
few  other  colonies  contributed  to  the  army  chest.  Louis- 
burg  was  captured  in  1745  by  New  England  troops,  who 
were  highly  elated  at  their  brilliant  conquest.  Eng- 
land, too  busy  with  her  own  affairs,  could  not  well  send 
protection  the  following  year,  when  a French  fleet  threat- 
ened New  England;  a curious  chapter  of  marine  disas- 
ters alone  saved  the  Americans  from  being  severely 
punished  in  retaliation.  This  doubtless  unavoidable  neg- 
lect on  the  part  of  the  mother-country,  and  the  final  sur- 
render of  Louisburg  to  the  French  by  the  treaty  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  (1748),  tended  still  further  to  strain  the  relations 
between  England  and  her  colonies  on  the  American 
continent. 

Admiral  Vernon’s  expedition  against  the  French  in  the 
West  Indies  in  1740  was  participated  in  by  men  from 
Vernon’s  nearly  all  the  English  colonies,  island  and 
the  WesT  t0  continental!  A campaign  against  the  Spanish 
indies.  settlements  in  Florida  was  undertaken  by  Ogle- 
thorpe during  the  same  year  (page  262).  The  Qirolinas 
gave  somewhat  tardy  aid  to  Georgia  in  this  daring 
enterprise. 

128.  Economic  Conditions. 

Massachusetts  was  the  first  of  the  colonies  to  issue 
paper  money.  (This  was  in  1690,  to  aid  in  fitting  out  an 
Papermoney  expedition  against  Canada.)  The  other  pro- 
and  finance.  vinces  followed  at  intervals.  Affairs  had  come 
to  such  a pass  by  1748  that  the  price  in  paper  of  _£ioo 
in  coin  ranged  all  the  way  from  ^1100  in  New  England 
to  ^iSo  in  Pennsylvania.  The  royal  governors  in  all 


1700-1750.]  Wars  and  Economic  Conditions.  279 


the  colonies,  acting  under  instructions  from  home,  were 
generally  persistent  opponents  of  this  financial  expedient. 
Governor  Belcher  of  Massachusetts,  in  a proclamation 
against  the  practice  (1740),  said  it  gave  “great  interrup- 
tion and  brought  confusion  into  trade  and  business,”  and 
“reflected  great  dishonor  on  his  Majesty’s  government 
here.”  In  1720,  Parliament  passed  what  was  known  as  (J? 
“ the  Bubble  Act,”  designed  to  break  up  all  private  bank- 
ing companies  in  the  United  Kingdom  chartered  for  the 
issue  of  circulating  notes ; this  Act  was  made  applicable  to 
the  colonies  in  1740,  and  reinforced  in  1751,  the  last-named 
Act  forbidding  the  further  issue  of  colonial  paper  money 
except  irf cases  of  invasion  or  for  the  annual  current  ex- 
penses of  the  government,  these  exceptional  cases  to  be 
under  control  of  the  Crown.  In  1763  all  issues  to  date 
were  declared  void;  although  ten  years  later  (1773),  pro- 
vincial bills  of  credit  were  made  receivable  as  legal  tender 
at  the  treasuries  of  the  colonies  emitting  them.  The  con- 
troversy between  the  colonies  and  the  home  government 
over  these  issues  of  a cheap  circulating  medium  devel- 
oped much  bitterness  on  the  part  of  the  former,  who 
deemed  the  practice  essential  to  their  prosperity ; and  it 
wasjane  of  the  many  causes  of  the  Revolution.^: 

Another  constant  source  of  irritation  werethe  parlia- 
mentary Acts  of  Navigation  and  Trade  (page  104).  In 
Acts  of  Navi-  t^le  continental  colonies  there  was  no  popular 

gation  and  sentiment  against  smuggling  or  other  interfer- 
Trade  ^ 00  o 

ence  with  the  operation  of  these  obnoxious 

laws.  In  no  colony  were  the  Acts  strictly  observed;  had 
they  been  enforced  they  would  have  worked  unbearable 
hardship.  Massachusetts  particularly  offended  the  Board 
of  Trade  by  openly  refusing  to  provide  for  their  more 
rigorous  execution;  coupling  its  stubborn  behavior  with 
the  bold  assertion,  quite  contrary  to  ministerial  ideas,  that 
the  colonists  were  “as  much  Englishmen  as  those  in  Eng 


2 So  Colonial  Development.  [Cu.  XIV 

land,  and  had  a right,  therefore,  to  all  the  privileges  which 
the  people  of  England  enjoyed.” 

129.  Political  and  Social  Conditions  (1700-1750). 

In  the  colonies,  as  afterwards  in  the  States,  there  was  a 
continual  contest  for  supremacy  between  Virginia,  where 
Virginia  political  power  was  lodged  in  the  aristocratic 
New  Eng-*  class>  and  New  England,  where  there  was  a 
land  ideas,  voluntary  recognition  of  aristocracy,  but  where 
the  body  of  the  people  ruled.  Virginia  ideas  strongly 
influenced  North  Carolina  on  the  south,  and  Maryland, 
Delaware,  and  Pennsylvania  on  the  north.  The  tone  of 
life  in  South  Carolina  was  purely  southern,  with  no  trace 
of  Virginian  characteristics;  New  York,  also  free  from 
Virginian  methods,  was  strongly  influenced  by  New 
England  ideas. 

The  governing  class  in  Virginia  were  of  strong  Eng- 
Political  hsh  stoNh  and  when  occasion  for  political 
affairs  in  the  action  offered,  were  ready  for  it,  proving  them- 
selves good  soldiers  and  statesmen,  and  fur- 
nishing some  of  the  most  powerful  leaders  in  the  revolt 
against  the  mother-country.  Their  protracted  fights  with 
the  French  and  Indians  inured  them  to  habits  of  the 
camp ; while,  quarrels  with  their  governors,  and  bicker- 
ings with  the  home  government  over  the  Navigation 
Acts  (page  104)  and  the  impressment  of  seamen,  fur- 
nished schooling  in  constitutional  agitation.  By  the 
middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  majority  of  Vir- 
ginians were  natives  of  the  soil,  and  their  attachment  to 
England  was  weaker  than  that  of  their  fathers;  while  the 
considerable  foreign  element  weakened  the  bond  of  union 
with  the  mother-country.  In  Maryland  general  hostility 
to  the  Church  of  England  and  its  impolitic  attempt  to 
suppress  dissent,  was  an  important  factor  in  widening  the 
breach.  North  Carolina  continued  to  be  distinguished 


”00-1750  ] 


28i 


Politics  and  Society. 

for  disorder  and  a low  state  of  morals,  education,  and 
wealth,  and  produced  no  great  leaders  in  the  opposition 
to  Great  Britain.  The  people,  having  a keen  percep- 
tion  of  their  rights,  were  eager  enough  in  the  patriot 
cause;  but  there  was  a large  Tory  party,  and  conse- 
quently fierce  internal  dissensions  characterized  the  his- 
tory of  the  colony  throughout  the  Revolutionary  agitation. 
Being  dependent  on  England  for  trade  and  supplies, 
the  aristocratic  planters  of  South  Carolina  were  drawn 
much  closer  to  the  mother-country  than  in  any  other 
continental  colony.  The  Tory  element  was  powerful, 
yet  the  best  and  strongest  men  of  the  slave-holding 
class  were  patriots,  and  furnished  several  popular  lead- 
ers of  ability,  — the  colony  ranking  second  only  to  Vir- 
ginia, in  the  southern  group,  during  the  struggle  with 
the  home  government.  Georgia  was  but  newly  settled, 
and  the  English  colonists  were  still  strongly  attached 
to  their  native  country ; she  was  therefore  more  loyal 
than  her  neighbors.  The  settlers  from  New  England, 
with  the  political  shrewdness  peculiar  to  their  section, 
succeeded  in  committing  Georgia  to  the  patriot  cause; 
but  the  mass  of  the  people  remained  lukewarm,  and 
when  English  rule  was  overturned  there  was  much  law- 
lessness. (The  community  was  immature,  and  had  not 
yet  learned  the  art  of  self-government..' 

The  Navigation  Acts  and  the  impressment  of  seamen 
bore  hard  on  Pennsylvania,  and  there  was  no  lack  of 
in  the  Mid-  complaint  against  other  forms  of  ministerial 
die  Colonies;  interference  with  colonial  rights.  But  the 
Quakers,  who  were  chiefly  of  the  shopkeeping  and  trad- 
ing class,  had  not  experienced  the  long  and  painful 
struggle  for  existence  that  had  been  the  lot  of  most  of 
the  other  colonists.  They  had  been  prosperous  from  the 
beginning;  and  being  conservative,  timid,  and  slow  in 
disposition  and  action,  were  not  easily  persuaded  to  make 


28  2 


Colonial  Development.  [Ch.  XIV. 

material  sacrifices  for  the  sake  of  political  sentiment. 
Thus  Pennsylvania  was  an  uncertain  factor  in  tne  revolt. 
New  Jersey,  with  no  Indian  frontier,  no  foreign  trade, 
and  but  light  taxes,  had  few  causes  for  complaint  against 
England.  Her  rulers  were  thrifty,  conservative  farmers, 
who  were  disposed  to  be  loyal ; yet  as  they  were  of  pure 
English  descent,  and  tenacious  of  their  liberties,  they 
were  gradually  drawn  into  an  attitude  of  opposition  to 
English  rule.  New  York  was  the  only  one  of  the  middle 
group  of  colonies  which  stood  stoutly  against  England. 
Since  the  days  of  Andros  the  people  “ caught  at  every- 
thing to  lessen  the  prerogative.”  New  York  city,  as  the 
second  commercial  port  on  the  coast,  was  naturally  a seat 
of  opposition  to  the  navigation  laws.  But  the  Tory  mi- 
nority were  nowhere  more  active  or  determined  than 
in  New  York. 

The  New  Englanders  were  pure  in  race,  simple  and 
frugal  in  habit,  enterprising,  vigorous,  intelligent,  and 
and  in  New  with  a high  average  of  education.  They  were 
England.  small  freeholders,  possessed  of  a democratic 
system  which  had  powers  of  indefinite  expansion,  and 
were  trained  in  a political  school  well  calculated  to  pro- 
duce great  popular  leaders.  Their  political  principles, 
developed  by  a century  and  a half  of  contention  with  the 
home  government,  pervaded  the  colonial  revolt,  and  were 
carried  out  in  the  national  government  in  which  it  re- 
sulted. The  £Iew  England  Confederation  of  i6_n  bore 
fru jt  in  the  Stamp- Act  congress  of  1705,  and  still  more  in 
the  Confederation  of  17S1  and  the  Constitution  of  1787. 


130.  Results  of  the  Half-Century  (1700-1750). 

Although  the  period  1700-1750  has  not  the  interest  of 
the  previous  half  century  of  colonization,  it  has  great  con- 
stitutional importance.  The  rugged  individuality  of  the 


Summary.  283 

founders  of  the  colonies,  — New  England,  middle,  and 
southern, — was  beginning  to  give  way  to  a distinctly 
The  colonial  American  character.  The  colonies  lived  sepa- 
sPlrit-  rate  lives;  there  was  little  intercommunication, 
but  their  interests  were  much  the  same,  their  relations 
with  the  mother-country  were  the  same,  and  in  the  inter- 
colonial wars  they  learned  to  act  side  by  side.  More 
than  this,  they  all  enjoyed  a greater  degree  of  personal 
freedom  and  local  independence  than  was  known  any- 
where else  in  the  world.  They  had  no  consciousness  of 
any  desire  to  become  independent.  They  had  their  own 
assemblies,  made  their  own  laws,  and  disregarded  the  Acts 
of  Trade.  In  population  the  colonies  increased  between 
1650  and  1700  from  about  100.000  to  250,000  ; during  the 
period  1 700-1 750  they  grew  to  1 ,370,000.  A few  passable 
towns  were  built,  — Boston,  Philadelphia,  and  New  York. 
Their  means  were  small,  their  horizon  narrow,  but  their 
spirit  was  large. 

As  the  year  1750  approached,  there  came  upon  the  colo- 
nies two  changes,  destined  to  lead  to  a new  political  life. 
In  the  first  place,  the  colonies  at  last  began  to  overrun  the 
mountain  barrier  which  had  hemmed  them  in  on  the  west, 
and  thus  to  invite  another  and  more  desperate  struggle 
with  the  French.  The  first  settlement  made  west  of  the 
mountains  was  on  a branch  of  the  Kanawha  (174.8) ; in  the 
same  season  several  adventurous  Virginians 

The  English  . ....  . . 

Ohio  Com*  hunted  and  made  land-claims  in  Kentucky  and 

pany.  Tennessee.  Before  the  close  of  the  following 

year  ( 1 749)  there  had  been  formed  the  Ohio  Company, 
composed  of  wealthy  Virginians,  among  whom  were  two 
brothers  of  Washington.  King  George  granted  the  com- 
pany five  hundred  thousand  acres,  on  which  they  were 
to  plant  one  hundred  families  and  build  and  maintain 
g.~fort.  Tbe_first  attempt  to  explore  the  region  of  the 
Ohio  brought  the  English  and  the  French  traders  into 

Sr.  * % 


2S4 


Colonial  Development.  [Ch.  XIV. 


conflict ; and  troops  were  not  long  in  following,  on  both 
sides. 

At  the  same  time  the  home  government  was  awaking 

o o 

to  the  fact  that  the  colonies  were  not  under  strict  con- 
Newcolo-  trol.  In  1750  the  Administration  began  to 
nml  policy,  consider  means  of  stopping  unlawful  trade. 
Before  the  plan  could  be  perfected  the  French  and  In- 
dian War  broke  out,  in  1754.  The  story  of  that  war 
and  of  the  consequences  of  simultaneously  dispossessing 
the  French  enemies  of  the  colonies,  and  tightening  the 
reins  of  government,  belongs  to  the  next  volume  of  the 
series, — the  Formation  of  the  Union. 


INDEX 


ACA 

ACADIA,  united  to  Massachu- 
setts, 176.  See  Nova  Scotia 
Africa,  supposed  migrations  from,  to 
America,  21  ; European  explora- 
tions of  coast  of,  24. 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  treaty  of,  255,  278. 
Alaska,  Asiatic  migration  to,  2 ; 
aborignes  of,  12. 

Albany,  founded,  196 ; as  Fort 
Nassau,  197;  as  Fort  Orange, 
198,  199;  re-named  by  English, 
203  ; characteristics,  228  ; fur-trade, 
253;  first  Colonial  Congress,  80, 
206 ; second  Colonial  Congress, 
2 7°  ... 

Albemarle,  89;  a district  in  Carolina, 
88-9 1 . 

Alexander  VI.,  Pope,  bull  of  parti- 
tion, 24,  36,  196. 

Algonkin  Indians,  status,  9-11:  as 
allies  of  the  French,  2o5,  246,  250  ; 
uprising  in  New  York,  200. 
Alleghany  mountains.  See  Appa- 
lachian. 

Andover,  Mass.,  sacked  by  French 
and  Indians,  254. 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  governor  of 
Virginia,  79;  governor  of  New 
York  and  the  Jerseys,  175,  176, 
205,  206,  282  ; governor  of  New 
England,  175,  189,  211. 

Augusta,  Ga.,  founded,  260;  fur- 
trade,  261. 

Annapolis,  Md  , founded,  87,  98. 

— , Nova  Scotia.  See  Port  Royal. 
Antigua,  Leeward  Islands,  237. 
Antinomian  theory,  held  by  Anne 
Hutchinson,  133,  134. 


ASS 

Appalachian  mountains,  extent  of,  3, 
4,  6,  7 ; early  explorations,  4,  269  ; 
characteristics,  5,  6,  97,  179,  219; 
aborigines,  ir;  early  Scotch  set- 
tlements in,  269. 

Argali,  Samuel,  governor  of  Virginia, 
73;  destroys  French  settlements 
in  Acadia,  242. 

Arizona,  aborigines  of,  8 ; early 
Spanish  explorations,  28-30  ; Span- 
ish missions,  31. 

Armada,  the  Spanish,  interrupts 
American  colonization,  40;  defeat 
of,  48,  52. 

Asia,  possible  emigration  from,  to 
America,  2,  3 ; distance  from  Am- 
erica, 5 ; relation  to  American  ex- 
ploration, 25-27 ; early  European 
commerce  in,  23,  24. 

Assemblies,  hampered  by  commercial 
companies  and  royal  and  proprie- 
tary interference,  58;  hold  the 
purse-strings, 59  ;origin  of  bicameral 
system,  61  ; representative  system, 
62,  63  ; in  the  South  generally,  97, 
109,  no;  in  Virginia,  73,  75,  77, 
78;  in  the  Carolinas,  90,  92;  in 
Maryland,  82-86  ; in  Pennsylvania, 
215,  216;  in  New  Jersey,  21 1,  212, 
214  ; in  New  Netherlands, 200,  201  ; 
in  New  York,  200,  20 x,  204-206; 
in  Connecticut,  142,  T43  ; in  Rhode 
Island,  147,  148;  in  Massachusetts, 
123,  126,  128;  quarrels  with  the 
royal  governors  (1700-1750),  2 71- 
279. 

Association  for  the  defence  of  tho 
Protestant  religion  in  Maryland, 87. 


286 


ATL 


Index . 


CAL 


Atlantic  slope,  natural  entrance  of 
North  America,  3,  5 ; rivers,  3,  4; 
three  grand  natural  divisions,  5,  6 ; 
mining,  6 ; soil  and  climate,  6,  97  ; 
aborigines  of,  9,  10 ; early  fur- 
trade  on,  18  ; early  European  ex- 
plorations, 25-28;  early  English 
colonies  on,  47. 

Aztecs.  See  Mexico. 


BACON,  Nathaniel,  rebellion  of, 
78,  79,  80. 

Bahamas,  the,  discovered  by  Colum- 
bus, 23  ; claimed  by  English,  44  ; 
included  in  Carolina,  90;  send 
settlers  to  Carolina,  93,  97 ; his- 
torical sketch,  239,  240. 

Balboa,  Vasco  Nunez  de,  discovers 
Pacific  ocean,  26. 

Baltimore,  Md.,  founded,  87. 

— , Lord.  See  Calvert. 

Baptists,  in  Carolina,  89 ; in  Rhode 
Island,  159. 

Barbados,  founded,  89  ; claimed  by 
English,  44;  send  settlers  to  Vir- 
ginia, 93;  Quakers  at,  165;  his- 
torical sketch,  236,  237,  239. 
Basques,  American  discoveries  by, 
21  ; engaged  in  Newfoundland 
fisheries,  241. 

Belcher,  Jonathan,  governor  of  New 
Jersey,  221,  275;  governor  of 

Massachusetts,  279. 

Belize,  history  of,  241. 

Bellomont,  Earl  of,  governor  of  New 
York,  New  Jersey,  Massachusetts, 
and  New  Hampshire,  207,  274, 
276. 

Berkeley,  Sir  William,  governor  of 
Virginia,  75,  77,  78,  79,  84  ; one  of 
the  Carolina  proprietors,  89;  on 
education  in  Virginia,  107,  108 ; 
interest  in  New  Jersey  coloniza- 
tion, 205,  21 1,  212. 

Bermudas,  claimed  by  English,  44  ; 
annexed  to  Virginia,  72;  send 
settlers  to  Carolina,  90 ; inter- 
colonial relations,  234 ; historical 
sketch,  238,  239. 

Biloxi  (Old),  Miss.,  founded,  248. 
Blackbeard,  a noted  pirate,  273. 
Blommaert,  Samuel,  Dutch  patroon, 
199,  207,  208. 

Blue  Laws,  fabricated  by  Peters, 
146. 

Body  of  Liberties,  138,  139. 


Boston,  founded,  127;  the  Anne 
Hutchinson  episode,  133-136; 
New  Haven  colonists  in,  144; 
formation  of  New  England  Con- 
federation, 156;  Gortonites  at, 
160;  expeditions  against  New 
Netherlands,  163,  164,  168;  levies 
intercolonial  duties,  164;  repres- 
sion of  the  Quakers,  165,  166;  ar- 
rival of  royal  commissioners,  168 ; 
Indian  missionary  efforts,  170; 
evasion  of  Navigation  Acts,  173  ; 
the  rule  of  Andros,  175,  176; 
slavery,  182  ; commerce,  186  ; con- 
dition in  1700,  186;  Tory  element, 
189;  Se wall’s  repentance,  191,  192  ; 
characteristics,  228 ; disputes  with 
Phipps,  275,  276 ; Bellomont’s 
visit,  276. 

Boundary  disputes  between  the  Jer- 
seys, 212;  between  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania,  217;  between 
French  and  English  colonies,  255, 
256 ; summary  of  intercolonial, 
267-269. 

Brazil,  discovered  by  Cabral,  44  ; 
Portuguese  colonies,  43,  44,  48  ; 
Huguenots  in,  44. 

Breda,  treaty  of,  237. 

Brewster,  William,  leader  of  the 
Pilgrims,  1 16,  1 17. 

British  Honduras,  historical  sketch, 
241. 

Brittany,  early  fishers  from,  at  New- 
foundland, 26,  33,  241. 

Brook,  Lord,  attempt  to  introduce 
hereditary  rank  in  Massachusetts, 
59,  129  ; Connecticut  land  grant, 
141. 

Brownists,  a branch  of  the  Indepen- 
dents, 1 1 5. 

Bubble  Act,  passed  by  Parliament, 
279. 

CABOT,  John,  discovery  of  North 
America,  25,  36,  52,  241,  242. 
— , Sebastian,  on  the  American  coast, 
25* 

California,  gulf  of,  aborigines,  8,  12 ; 
early  Spanish  explorations,  28,  29, 
31  ; Spanish  missions,  31. 

Calvin,  John,  influence  of  his  teach- 
ings, 115. 

Calvinists,  De  Monts’  colony  of,  35, 

36 

Calvert,  Cecilius,  second  Lord  Balti- 
more, 82,  83,  85,  86. 


CAL 


Index . 


CHE 


287 


Calvert,  Charles,  as  governor  of  Ma- 
ryland, 86;  as  third  Lord  Balti- 
more, 86,  87. 

— , George,  first  Lord  Baltimore,  76, 
77,  8 , 82,  208. 

— , Leonard,  governor  of  Maryland, 
77,  82,  83,  84. 

Cambridge,  Mass-,  founded,  127; 
fortifications  at,  128 ; meeting  of 
General  Court,  135,  136  ; establish- 
ment of  Harvard  College,  130,  158, 
188 ; emigration  to  Connecticut, 
140  ; the  “ bishop’s  palace,”  189. 

Cambridge  platform  adopted,  162. 

Canada.  See  New  France. 

Cape  Breton  island,  discovered  by 
Cabot,  25 ; in  early  struggles  be- 
tween French  and  English,  252  ; 
fall  of  Louisburg,  243;  in  King 
William’s  War,  253;  in  King 
George’s  War,  255. 

Cape  Cod,  Champlain’s  visit,  36; 
named  by  Gosnold,  41  ; arrival  of 
Pilgrims,  117,  118;  Indian  mis- 
sionary efforts,  170;  character  of, 
179. 

Caribs,  the,  8,  9,  236,  239. 

Carolina,  named  after  Charles  IX., 
33  ; causes  of  failure  of  early  colo- 
nies, 41-43;  French  expelled  by 
Spaniards,  48;  early  settlers,  87- 
89  ; under  the  lords  proprietors,  89 
-92  ; division  of  the  colonies,  92  ; 
reunited,  94;  Barbadians  in,  236, 
237  5 geography,  96,  9 7 ; popula- 
tion, 97 ; character  of  colonists, 
97  ; agriculture,  102  ; commerce, 
104.  See  North  Carolina  and 
South  Carolina. 

Carteret,  Sir  George,  obtains  grant 
of  New  Jersey.  205,  211,  212 

— , Philip,  governor  of  New  Jersey, 
211. 

Cartier,  Jacques,  explores  St.  Law- 
rence River,  32,  246. 

Catholics,  in  England,  115;  in  Vir- 
ginia, 76;  in  Maryland,  77,  81-87, 
108  ; in  the  Carolinas,  95  ; in 
Pennsylvania,  108,  230 ; in  New 
Jersey,  214;  in  Georgia,  260; 
policy  of  the  church  in  New 
France,  49,  50,  246,  247,  251,  252. 

Cayuga  Indians,  10,  n. 

Champlain,  Samuel  de,  early  explor- 
ations. 26,  35  ; founds  Quebec,  36, 
246  ; fights  the  Iroquois,  T96  ; on 
Lake  Huron,  246,  247 ; as  gover- 


nor of  New  France,  251,  252 ; 
death,  248. 

Charles  I.,  king  of  England,  inter- 
est in  Virginia,  75 ; interest  in 
Maryland,  82,  84  ; interest  in  Caro- 
lina, 88;  attitude  towards  the  Puri- 
tans, 125,  127  ; annuls  Massachu- 
setts charter,  13 1 ; grants  Windward 
Islands  to  Carlisle,  237  ; execution, 
76. 

Charles  II.,  king  of  England,  recep- 
tion of  Berkeley  79;  proclaimed  in 
Massachusetts,  159;  attitude  to- 
wards Quakers,  166;  displeased 
with  New  Englanders,  166-168, 

174  ; treatment  of  Connecticut  and 
Rhode  Island,  168,  169;  claims 
New  Netherlands,  202,  203 ; in- 
terest in  New  Jersey,  212  ; charter 
to  Penn,  215;  charters  Hudson’s 
Bay  Company,  243  ; attitude  to- 
wards New  France,  252;  death, 
*75- 

Charleston,  S.  C.,  founded,  92,  93, 
98  ; churchmen  in,  109  ; character- 
istics, 228;  arrival  of  Scotch,  269; 
attacked  by  French,  278. 

Charlestown,  Mass.,  founded,  122, 
127;  fortified,  13 1;  hanging  of  a 
witch,  190. 

Charters,  commercial  privileges  of, 
104,  105 ; of  Virginia,  60,  66-69, 
72,  74,  113;  of  Maryland,  81,  82; 
of  the  Carolinas,  88,  89,  267,  272 ; 
of  Georgia,  259  ; of  Delaware,  216  ; 
of  Pennsylvania,  210,  215,  217; 
under  the  Dutch,  197,  198;  South 
Company  of  Sweden,  208  ; of  New 
Jersey,  211-213  > of  Connecticut, 
61.  141,  168,  175,  276,  277;  of 
Rhode  Island,  60,  61,  148,  149,  168, 

175  ; Plymouth  Company,  120, 
12 1,  124,  131,  150;  Massachusetts 
Bay,  60,  125-127,  1 3 1 , 159,  169, 
174,  175,  177  ; to  the  Gorges,  122, 
125,  150;  to  John  Mason,  125, 
150,  152  ; New  Hampshire,  174; 
ministerial  attacks  on  the  (1701- 
1749),  266,  267. 

Cherokee  Indians,  status,  11;  rela- 
tions with  Georgians,  259,  261. 

Chesapeake  Bay,  Cabot  at,  25  ; 
reached  by  Lane,  39  ; reached  by 
Jamestown  colonists,  70;  arrival 
of  royal  commissioners,  76  ; Clay- 
borne’s  operations,  77,  83  ; geog* 
raphy,  218,  219. 


288 


chi 


Index. 


Chickasaw  Indians,  status,  n;  rela- 
tions with  Georgians,  261,  262. 

Chicora,  Vasquez’s  conquest  of,  27. 

Choctaw  Indians,  status,  11. 

Church  of  England,  in  England, 
1 14,  115;  in  the  Carolinas,  88,  91, 
94,  109,  272  ; in  Virginia,  67.  78, 
108;  in  Maryland,  86,  87,  280;  in 
the  South  generally,  102,  111;  in 
New  York,  229,  230,274;  in  Mas- 
sachusetts, 122,  130-132,  173,  175, 
189;  in  New  Hampshire,  152;  in 
Maine,  150,  151  ; a source  of  dis- 
pute between  governors  and  as- 
semblies, 272. 

Cibola,  Seven  Cities  of,  visited  by 
Spaniards,  29-31. 

Clarendon,  a district  in  Carolina,  89, 
9°>  93- 

Clayborne,  William,  his  quarrel  with 
Maryland,  76-78,  83-85. 

Cliff-Dwellers,  status,  8. 

Colleges,  Harvard,  S'o,  130,  158,  181, 
188;  Ya!e,8o;  William  and  Mary, 
80,  81 , 103. 

Colonization . motives  of,  46  ; early 
views  of,  46;  French  policy,  35, 
48-50  ; Spanish  policy,  47,  48,  51  ; 
Portuguese  policy,  48  ; Dutch  pol- 
icy, 50,  51  ; German  policy,  51  ; 
English  policy,  5^  53  ; relations 
of  colonists  with  Indians,  17-19; 
experience  of  sixteenth  century, 
41-44;  character  of  English  emi- 
grants, 53,  54  ; the  institutions  they 
imported,  55-63  ; reasons  for  the 
English  movement,  65,  66. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  discoveries 
prior  to  his,  21-23  ; his  discoveries, 
23-25,  31,  237  ; his  motives,  4,  6. 

Commerce,  early  Norse,  22  ; of  Eu- 
rope with  India,  23,  24,  27,  42  ; 
fur-trade  of  early  European  ex- 
plorers, 26,  28,  35,  52,  53  ; French 
commercial  companies,  35  ; of 
Spain,  in  West  Indies,  38,  39;  as 
a motive  of  colonization,  46;  Span- 
ish policy,  47  ; Portuguese  policy, 
48,  50;  Dutch  policy,  50,  51,  103- 
105  ; early  English  commercial 
companies,  55,  65,  68,  69;  London 
company,  66-74  ; Plymouth  com- 
pany, 1 14  ; Massachusetts  Bay 
Company,  125-127;  economic  ef- 
fect on  England,  65  ; intercolo- 
nial, 102-107,  130  ; colonial,  with 
England,  103,  104,  130,  169 ; the 


CRO 

Navigation  Acts,  104-106.  See 
Fur-trade. 

Communal  proprietorship,  in  Vir- 
ginia, 68,  73;  at  Plymouth,  117, 
120,  121. 

Congregationaiists,  origin  of  name, 
162;  organization,  189;  in  middle 
colonies,  230. 

Connecticut,  founded,  136,  140-142  ; 
Pequod  War,  136,  137  ; goverm 
ment,  142-144;  early  Dutch  set- 
tlers, 136,  198,  199 ; conflicts  be- 
tween Dutch  and  English,  163, 
202;  New  Haven  founded  and 
absorbed,  144-146,  168  ; character- 
istics of  Connecticut  and  New 
Haven,  146;  in  the  New  England 
Confederation,  155,  156;  river-toll 
levied,  164;  treatment  of  Quakers, 
166;  Massachusetts  absorbs  more 
territory,  173  ; history  of  the  char- 
ter, 168,  175,  177,  266,  267,  276, 
277  ; litigation,  182,  183  ; iron 
mining,  184  ; agriculture,  186  , 
colonization  schemes  on  the  Dela- 
ware, 208,  209  ; boundary  disputes, 
267,  268  ; represented  in  second 
colonial  congress,  270;  Fletcher’s 
visit,  276,  277  ; population  (1700) 
180,  (1754)  265. 

Cordi lleran  mountains.  See  Rocky 
mountains. 

Cornbury,  Lord,  governor  of  New 
York  and  New  Jersey,  274,  275. 

Coronado,  F.  V.  de,  search  for  Ci- 
bola, 11,  29-31. 

Cortereal,  Gaspar,  explores  Ameri- 
can coast,  25,  241. 

Cortez,  Hernando,  conquest  of  Mex- 
ico, 8,  27-29. 

Council  for  New  England.  See  Ply- 
mouth Company. 

County,  the,  in  England,  55  ; in  the 
South,  56;  in  middle  colonies, 
57;  in  New  York,  204;  in  Penn- 
sylvania, 216. 

Coureurs  de  bois , their  characteris- 
tics, 247,  249,  250;  explorations  of, 
248,  253. 

Creek  Indians,  status,  11;  relations 
with  Georgians,  260,  261. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  accepted  in  Vir- 
ginia, 76,  78;  in  Maryland,  85; 
friendship  for  New  England,  159; 
expedition  against  New  Nether- 
lands, 163,  164,  202;  sends  pris- 
oners to  Barbados,  236. 


Index. 


F.NG 


289 


CUE 

uba,  slavery  in,  239  ; threatened  by 
English,  2 J2. 

jlpepper,  Thomas,  Lord,  governor 
of  Virginia,  7S-80. 
jmberland  Gap,  a highway  for  ex- 
ploration, 4. 

AKOTAH  Indians,  status,  n, 
12. 

anes,  in  Iceland,  2 1. 
ire,  Virginia,  first  English  child 
born  in  the  United  States,  40. 
avenport,  John,  heads  New  Haven 
colony,  144,  145 

^lavvare,  early  Dutch  settlers,  207, 
20S ; the  Swedes,  201,  208;  fall  of 
New  Sweden,  209 ; annexed  to 
Pennsylvania,  210,  216,  217;  a 
separate  colony,  61,  2 10,  217  ; geog- 
raphy, 218,  219;  social  classes, 
222-224  ; occupations,  224,  225  ; 
trade  and  commerce,  225,  226;  life 
and  manners,  227;  religion,  230; 
general  characteristics,  210;  In- 
dian affairs,  277  ; influence  of  Vir- 
ginian ideas  on,  280;  population 
(1700),  221,  222,  (1750)  266. 

, Lord,  governor  of  Virginia,  72. 

, River,  early  settlements  on, 
51,  197-199,  207-210,  215,  216; 

Dutch  claims  on,  163  ; conflicts 
jetween  Dutch  and  Swedes,  200. 
i Monts,  Sieur,  colonizes  Nova 
Scotia,  35,  36,  242. 
i Soto,  Hernando,  expedition  of, 
11,  30,  31,  47. 

;troit,  site  discovered,  248,  249. 
gger  Indians,  status,  9. 
Discovery,”  the,  carries  colonists 
o Virginia,  69 

nninica,  Leeward  Islands,  237,  23S. 
>rchester,  Mass.,  fortified,  131  ; 
emigration  from,  to  Conneciicut, 
140,  141. 

ake,  Sir  Francis,  explorations,  37, 
52  ; relieves  Raleigh’s  colony,  39; 
•esists  the  Armada.  40. 
idley,  Joseph,  president  of  An- 
dros’s council,  175,  176. 

Thomas,  lieutenant-governor  of 
Massachusetts,  127,  135,  175;  gov- 
ernor, 129. 

Juke’s  laws,”  the,  in  New  York, 
103,  204. 

immer,  Jeremiah,  “ Defence  of 
he  American  Charters,”  266,  267 


Dunkards,  in  Pennsylvania,  230. 

Dutch,  the,  early  claims  in  America, 
44 ; colonial  policy,  50,  51;  as 
ocean  carriers,  103,  104;  plant 
New  Netherlands,  196-198;  pa- 
troon  system,  198-200;  operations 
on  the  Connecticut,  136,  140,  141  ; 
collisions  with  English  traders  and 
settlers,  47,  145,  155,  162-164,  199, 
200;  Swedish  opposition,  51,208, 
209;  wars  with  England,  159,  163, 
164,  168,  201-203  ; fall  of  New 
Netherlands,  168,  202,  203  ; New 
Netherlands  recaptured,  but  lost 
again,  205;  in  the  West  Indies, 
236-238;  in  New  York,  203,  204, 
220,  221,  223,  227,  229,  231,  232, 
in  New  Jersey,  210,  211,  221  ; in 
Pennsylvania  and  Delaware,  207- 
210,  215,  217,  221, 222. 

— East  India  Company,  sends  out 
Hudson,  196. 

— Reformed  Church,  in  middle 
colonies,  230 

— West  India  Company,  char- 
tered, 197;  patroon  system,  198- 
200,  223  ; plan  of  government,  203  ; 
Delaware  settlements,  207,  209 ; 
pacific  policy  towards  New  Eng- 
land, 163. 


East  india  company, 

66. 

East  Indies,  Dutch  in  the,  50. 

East  New  Jersey,  as  a separate  prov- 
ince, 212-214;  population  (1700), 
221. 

Eaton,  Theophilus,  heads  New  Ha- 
ven colony,  144,  145. 

Edward  VI.,  king  of  England,  36. 
Edwards,  Jonathan,  character,  183  ; 
revival  work,  190. 

Eliot,  John,  the  Indian  missionary, 
170,  18). 

Elizabeth,  queen  of  England,  inter- 
est in  American  colonization,  37, 
38,  40,  52,  53,  67,  68;  English 
commerce  under,  104;  Puritanism 
under,  114,  115. 

England,  attitude  towards  papal  bull 
of  partition,  24,  25  ; sends  out 
Cabot,  25  ; fishing  colony  at  New- 
foundland, 26 ; early  exploration 
and  settlements  in  America,  36- 
44;  becomes  a great  power,  48; 
reasons  for  final  colonization  of 


*9 


290 


END 


Index. 


America,  65,  66  ; character  of  her 
colonists,  53-55  ; her  colonial  pol- 
icy, 51-53  ; the  institutions  in  which 
her  colonists  were  trained,  53-58  ; 
Quaker  repression,  165. 

Endicott,  John,  heads  the  Massa- 
chusetts colony,  125,  126. 

Eskimos,  possible  Asiatic  origin  of, 
2,  3 ; status,  12. 

Exeter,  N.  H.,  founded,  152. 

FINNS,  in  Delaware  and  Penn- 
sylvania, 221. 

Fisheries  at  Newfoundland,  26,  36, 
37,  49,  52,  241,  242  ; in  Carolina, 
93;  in  England,  104;  in  New 
England,  113,  114,  124,  130,  151, 
184,  185. 

Five  Nations.  See  Iroquois. 
Fletcher,  Benjamin,  governor  of 
New  York,  206,  207,  210,  276. 
Florida,  Spanish  exploration  of,  27, 
28,  30,  31;  Spanish  occupation, 
31,  32,  43,  88,  93  ; French  occupa- 
tion, 33,  34,  44,  49,  88;  French  ex- 
pelled bv  Spanish,  48;  Ogle- 
thorpe's expedition,  262,  278. 

Fort  Casimir,  Del.,  209. 

Fort  Christina,  208,  215.  See  Wil- 
mington, Del. 

Fort  Nassau,  site  of  Albany,  197. 

— , on  the  Delaware,  197,  201,  207, 
208. 

Fort  Orange.  See  Albany. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  plan  for  colonial 
union,  271. 

Frederica.  Ga  , founded,  260;  at- 
tacked by  Spanish,  262 
“ Freemen,”  term  defined,  62. 
French,  the,  colonies  in  Florida,  33, 
34,  44,  49,  88 ; causes  of  failure  of 
early  colonies,  43,  44  ; early  at- 
tempts to  colonize  Canada,  35,  36; 
fishing  colony  at  Newfoundland, 
26,  241,  242  ; Quebec  founded,  36; 
France  becomes  a great  power,  48, 
52  ; colonial  policy  of,  48-50  ; in- 
fluence on  English  colonization  in 
America,  57;  opposition  to  Eng- 
lish settlement,  47,  206,  207 ; in 
New  Amsterdam,  201  ; in  Penn- 
sylvania and  Delaware,  221  ; con- 
flicts with  English  in  West  Indies, 
236-239,  244  ; holds  Acadia,  242, 
243  ; troubles  with  Hudson’s  Bay 
Company,  244;  rivalry  of  Georgian 
traders.  259,  261. 


GOR 

French  and  Indian  War,  221,  222, 
274>  275,  284. 

Frobisher,  Martin,  efforts  at  Amer- 
ican colonization,  37,  52  ; resists 
the  Armada,  40. 

Frontenac,  Louis  de  Buade,  Comte 
de,  governor  of  New  France,  251, 
254 

Fundamental  constitutions,  devised 
for  Carolina,  90,  91,  93,  95. 

Fur-trade,  early  spread  of,  17,  18; 
by  Norsemen,  22  ; by  other  early 
European  explorers,  26,  28,  35,  52, 
53;  of  New  France,  35,  49,  50, 
247-251,  256-258 ; by  Clavborne, 
76,  77  ; of  Georgia,  259,  261  ; of 
Carolina,  93,  104;  of  Virginia,  104, 
269;  of  Maryland.  104;  of  Penn- 
sylvania, 225,  226;  of  New  Am- 
sterdam, 118;  of  New  Sweden, 
208,  209;  of  New  York.  198,  202, 
221,  225,  226,  228;  in  middle  colo- 
nies generally,  232  ; of  Connec- 
ticut, 140,  141,  155;  of  Plymouth, 
122,  124  ; of  New  Hampshire,  152  ; 
of  New  England  generally,  1 13  ; 
by  Hudson’s  Bay  Company,  243, 
244  ; by  American  and  Northwest 
companies,  244. 


GAMA,  Vasco  da,  reaches  India, 
25. 

George  II.,  king  of  England,  name- 
giver  for  Georgia,  259;  grants 
land  to  Ohio  Company,  283. 
Georgia,  settlement  of,  25S-262  ; fur- 
trade,  259,  261  ; expedition  against 
Horida  Spaniards,  262,  278;  be- 
comes a royal  province,  263  ; pop- 
ulation (1750),  266;  political  spirit, 
281. 

Germans,  in  Georgia,  260,  261,  263  ; 
in  North  Carolina,  97  ; in  V.rginia, 
269  ; in  Maryland,  266;  in  Penn- 
sylvania and  Delaware,  217,  221, 
222,  225,  229,  230,  274,  277';  in 
New  York,  221. 

Germany,  colonial  policy  of,  51  ; 

Presbyterian  movement  in,  115. 
Gomez,  Estevan,  on  the  North 
American  coast,  27,  28. 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  early  in- 
terest in  American  colonization, 
41,  66,  150;  member  of  Plymouth 
Company,  113,  1 1 4 ; lord  propri- 
etor of  Maine,  150-152,  158;  allied 


Index . 


IND 


291 


GOR 

with  Mason  in  colonizing  New 
Hampshire,  125,  152. 

Gorges,  Robert,  governor-general  of 
New  England,  122,  132 ; land- 
grants  to,  125. 

— , Thomas,  deputy-governor  of 
Maine,  152. 

Gorton,  Samuel,  difficulties  with 
Rhode  Islanders,  160,  161,  164. 

Gosnold,  Bartholomew,  voyages  to 
America,  41,  65,  66,  69,  71. 

Green  Bay,  Wis.,  Nicolet  at,  12,24s. 

Green  Mountain  B ys,  origin  of,  268. 

Greenland,  discovered  by  Norsemen, 
21 ; Norwegian  settlements  in,  21- 
23- 

Grenada,  Windward  Islands,  237. 

Grenadines,  the,  Windward  Islands, 
237\ 

Grenville,  Sir  Richard,  leads  colony 
to  Roanoke,  38-40,  52  ; resists  the 
Armada,  40. 

“ Guinea,”  the,  in  Chesapeake  Bay, 
76 

Gustavus  Adolphus,  king  of  Swe- 
den, interest  in  American  coloni- 
zation, 5 r,  208. 

Guzman,  Nuno  Beltran  de,  founds 
Culiacan,  28,  29;  expedition  to 
Cibola,  29. 

HADLEY,  Mass.,  shelters  the 
regicides,  167. 

Hakluyt,  Richard,  early  English 
chronicler,  37  ; interest  in  Ameri- 
can colonization,  66,  69. 

Hartford,  Conn.,  founded,  136,  140, 
141  ; raided  by  Indians,  137  ; the 
charter-oak  story,  175;  early  Dutch 
settlement  at,  199;  Fletcher’s  visit, 
276,  277. 

Harvard  College  founded,  80,  130, 
188  ; aided  by  New  England  Con- 
federation, 158  ; social  distinctions 
at,  1 8 1. 

Hawkins,  Sir  John,  visits  Florida, 
34 ; resists  the  Armada,  40. 

Heath,  Sir  Robert,  first  proprietor 
of  Carolina,  88. 

Henri  IV.,  king  of  France,  his  colo- 
nial policy,  35. 

Henry  VII.,  king  of  England,  re- 
wards Cabot,  25;  attitude  towards 
bull  of  partition,  36;  Navigation 
Acts  under,  104. 

— VIII.,  king  of  England,  interest 
in  northwest  passage,  36. 


Hoboken,  N.  J.,  founded,  199. 

Holland,  English  Independents  in, 
115-117.  See  Dutch. 

Hooker,  Thomas,  supports  Anne 
Hutchinson,  134;  assists  in  set- 
tling Connecticut,  141  ; as  a con- 
stitution-maker, 143 ; character, 

1S3. 

Howard  of  Effingham,  Lord,  Gov- 
ernor of  Virginia,  79. 

Hudson  Bay,  exploration  of,  4 ; ab- 
origines of,  9,  12  ; early  French 
visits,  247,  248. 

Hudson,  Hendrik,  discovers  Hud- 
son River,  44,  50,  125,  196. 

— River,  discovered  by  Hudson,  50, 
125,  196;  early  Dutch  trade  on, 
1 18;  as  a highway  for  trade,  ex- 
ploration, and  Indian  war-parties, 
4,  5.  8,  155,  202,  219,  220,  255; 
named  in  London  Company’s 
charter,  66 ; Pilgrim  land-grant 
on,  197;  early  settlements  on,  221  ; 
patroons’  estates  on,  198-200,  223, 
227 ; Dutch  attempt  to  exclude 
English  from,  199,  200. 

Hudson’s  Bay  Company,  organized, 
248;  intercolonial  relations,  234; 
historical  sketch,  243,  244. 

Huguenots,  in  Florida,  31-34,  49; 
De  Monts’ colony,  35,  36;  in  Bra- 
zil, 44;  in  New  France.  49,  252; 
in  Carolina,  87,  88,  93-95,  97,  108 ; 
in  Virginia,  81  ; in  New  York,  221  ; 
in  New  England,  221. 

Hutchinson,  Anne,  religious  agita- 
tor in  Massachusetts,  133-136; 
in  Rhode  Island,  146,  147  ; her 
adherents  in  New  Hampshire,  152. 


CELAND,  early  settlements  in, 
21,  22. 

Illinois,  canoe  portages  in,  4 ; abo- 
riginesof,  12;  French  settlements, 

247.  253- 

Independents,  definition  of  term, 
1 1 5 ; in  Holland,  115-117.  See 
Puritans. 

India,  early  commerce  with  Europe, 
23,  24,  66 ; reached  by  Portuguese, 
25  ; effect  on  American  explora- 
tion, 26,  27,  50;  search  for  water 
passage  to,  42,  196. 

Indian  Territory,  Southern  Indians 
in,  11  ; early  Spanish  exploration 
in,  28. 


292 


IND 


Index. 


LEO 


Indians,  the,  origin,  2,  3 ; philologi- 
cal divisions,  9-12  ; characteris- 
tics, 13-16;  relations  with  English 
colonists  in  general,  17-19,  36,  38- 
43;  Pequod  War,  136,  137;  Phil- 
ip’s War,  14,  170-172,  188  ; rela- 
tions with  the  Spaniards,  27-32, 
42,  43,  47,  238,  239’;  with  the  Por- 
tuguese's; with  the  French,  34, 
35,49,  246-258;  with  the  Dutch. 
163  ; with  Georgia,  259-261  ; with 
Carolina,  88,  89,  277;  with  Vir- 
ginia, 14,  68,  71,  74,  75,  77,  78,  269, 
280;  with  Maryland,  83,  86,  277; 
with  the  South  generally,  56,  97 ; 
with  Pennsylvania,  216,  217,  222, 
274,  277;  with  Delaware,  207-209, 
277;  with  New  Jersey,  21 1,  214, 
231,  277,  282;  with  New  York, 
196,  198-202,  206,  207,  230,  270, 
271,  277;  with  Connecticut,  140, 
142,  155;  with  Rhode  Island,  160, 
161,  164,  277 ; with  Massachusetts, 
140,  170,  173;  with  Maine,  172; 
with  New'  England  generally,  119, 
120,  133,  136,  137,  17°-. 

Ipsw'ich,  Mass.,  Nathaniel  Ward  at, 
138;  trial  of  John  Wise,  176. 

Irish,  American  discoveries  by,  21  ; 
in  Iceland,  21  ; in  Pennsylvania 
and  Delaware,  222. 

Iroquois,  the,  status,  10,  11;  hos- 
tility to  French,  196,  246,  248-250, 
253  ; allies  of  Dutch  and  English, 
196,  200,  207,  256. 

JAMAICA,  historical  sketch,  240, 
241. 

James  I.,  king  of  England,  charters 
London  and  Plymouth  companies, 
66-69,  1 13;  interest  in  Virginia 
colonization,  74,  75,  81  ; treatment 
of  Puritans,  115,1 16. 

— II.,  king  of  England,  colonial 
policy  of,  175 ; attitude  towards 
New  York  and  New  Jersey,  206, 
213,214;  flight,  176. 

— River,  exploration  of,  26  ; named 
by  Jamestown  colonists,  70;  Hu- 
guenot settlement  on.  81. 
Jamestown,  Va.,  settlement  of,  70- 
72,  1 13  : early  iron  smelting  at,  6; 
introduction  of  slaves,  74;  Indian 
massacre,  74 ; Puritans  at,  76 ; 
burned,  79;  Baltimore  at,  81  ; as 
capital  of  Virginia,  98;  communal 
proprietorship  at,  120. 


Japan,  prehistoric  vessels  from,  2; 
early  European  attempts  to  reach, 
42-. 

Jesuits,  in  New'  France,  36.  253;  in 
Maryland,  83  ; in  New'  York,  230; 
explorations  in  the  Northwest,  247. 

Joliet,  Louis,  discovery  of  Missis- 
sippi River,  26,  248. 


JV'  ANSAS,  crossed  by  Coronado, 

Kent  island,  occupied  by  Clayborne, 
77,  S3-S5. 

Kentucky,  early  exploration,  4 ; ab- 
origines of,  9 ; early  white  settle- 
ments, 269,  283. 

Kidd,  William,  a noted  pirate,  276. 

Kieft,  William,  governor  of  New 
Netherlands,  200,  201,  208,  209. 

King  George’s  War,  255,  256,  278. 

King  William’s  War,  253,  254. 


LABRADOR,  Norse  discovery 
of,  22 ; early  English  voyages 
to,  37- 

Lake  Champlain,  as  a highway  for 
exploration  and  Indian  raids,  4, 
220;  discovery,  196;  New  York 
and  New  Hampshire  land  claims 
on,  268. 

Lake  Erie,  aborigines  on,  10,  11  , 
discovery,  248. 

Lake  George,  as  a highway  for  ex- 
ploration, 4. 

Lake  Huron,  reached  by  Champlain, 
246,  248. 

Lake  Michigan,  discovered,  12,248. 
Lake  Ontario,  aborigines  on,  10,  11  ; 
drainage  system,  219,  220;  dis- 
covered, 248. 

Lake  Superior,  early  fur-trade  on,  18  ; 
in  Champlain’s  time,  247;  visited 
by  Radisson  and  Groseilliers,  247, 
248;  early  French  settlement  on, 
253- 

La  Salle,  Chevalier,  explorations  of, 
248. 

Laud,  Archbishop,  represses  dissent 
in  Massachusetts,  131  ; in  prison, 
*58. 

Leew'ard  Islands,  English  colonies 
on,  237.  238. 

Leisler,  Jacob,  heads  a revolution  in 
New  York,  206. 

Leon,  Ponce  de,  explores  Florida,  27. 


LER 


Index. 


MAS 


293 


L£ry,  Baron  de,  colonizing  attempt 

of,  35- 

Locke,  John,  his  constitution  for  the 
Carolinas,  58,  go,  91,  93,  95. 

London  Company,  chartered,  66, 
113;  settles  Virginia,  69-74,  8i  ; 
criticised  by  James  I.,  74;  grant 
to  the  Pilgrims,  116,  117;  charter 
annulled,  74. 

Long  Island,  Block’s  visit,  196;  Wal- 
loon settlement,  198  ; conflicts  be- 
tween Dutch  and  English,  163, 
202  ; Connecticut  wins  a part,  163  ; 
religion  on,  229,  230;  crime  on, 
2 Si- 

Long  Parliament,  the,  Virginia  under, 
76 ; Navigation  Act  of,  105  ; rela- 
tion to  Massachusetts,  132. 

Louis  XIV.,  king  of  France,  his 
colonial  policy,  49,  251-253. 

Louisburg,  captured  by  the  English, 
255>  278. 

Ludwell,  Philip,  governor  of  South 
Carolina,  94  ; and  of  reunited 
Carolina,  94. 

Lutherans,  in  middle  colonies,  230. 

Louisiana,  early  French  settlement 
of,  248. 

Lower  California,  early  Spanish  ex- 
ploration of,  28,  29,  31. 


MAINE,  De  Monts’  colony,  36  ; 
visited  by  Gosnold  and  Pring, 
41  ; Gorges’  proprietorship,  150, 
151,  173;  characteristics,  150;  not 
in  the  New  England  Confederation, 
157,  158;  absorbed  by  Massachu- 
setts, 152,  173,  174;  Indian  up- 
rising, 172,  188  ; rule  of  Andros, 
175  ; in  King  William’s  War,  177, 
254;  river  system,  179;  commerce, 
1S5 ; agriculture  186;  education, 
1S8  ; population  (1700)  180,(1754) 
265  ; boundary  established,  268. 
Maldonado,  Lorenzo  Ferrer  de,  on 
the  Pacific  coast,  28. 

Manhattan  Island,  Block’s  visit,  196; 
early  settlement,  197,  198.  See 
New  York  City. 

Marquette,  Father  James,  on  Mis- 
sissippi River,  26,  248. 

Martha’s  Vineyard,  Indian  mission- 
ary efforts  at,  170. 

Maryland,  origin  of  name.  82 ; set- 
tlement, 76,  81-84:  landed  estates, 
58;  judiciary,  60;  during  English 


Revolution,  84,  85  : development, 
86,  87  : becomes  a royal  province, 
61,  87  ; Clayborne’s  quarrel,  76,  77  ; 
geography,  96  ; character  of  colon- 
ists, 97;  its  capital,  98;  occupa- 
tions, 102  ; religion,  102,  108;  com, 
merce,  103,  104 ; tobacco-raising, 
103  ; William  and  Mary’s  College, 
103  ; witchcraft  trials,  192  ; boun- 
dary disputes,  209,  217,  268;  set- 
tlers patronize  Pennsylvania  mills, 
225 ; represented  in  colonial  con- 
gress, 270;  Indian  affairs,  83,  86, 
277 ; influence  of  Virginia  ideas 
on,  280;  political  spirit,  280;  pop- 
ulation (1688)  97,  (1763)  266. 

Mason,  Charles,  runs  “ Mason  and 
Dixon  line,”  268. 

— , John,  colonizing  efforts  in  New 
Hampshire,  125,  150,  152,  153, 
277- 

— , Capt.  John,  in  Pequod  War,  137, 
142. 

Massachusetts,  settlement,  124-127, 
144;  suffrage  qualifications,  61,  62, 
167;  social  distinctions,  59;  Har- 
vard College  founded,  80;  inter- 
nal dissensions,  1 29-1 32  ; religious 
troubles,  132-136,  146,  152  ; inter- 
est in  Pequod  War,  136,  137; 
laws,  137-139;  characteristics,  139, 
140:  the  Watertown  protest,  62; 
emigration  to  Connecticut,  140- 
142  ; emigration  to  Rhode  Island, 
147  ; interest  in  the  Gorton  case, 
160,  164;  absorbs  New  Hamp- 
shire, 152,  153,  173;  absorbs  Ply-> 
mouth,  124,  176;  annexes  land  in 
Connecticut  and  Maine,  173;  in» 
fluence  in  the  Confederation,  1 55— 
157,  164:  independent  attitude  to- 
wards England,  158,  159,  161  ; 
jealousy  of  king  Charles,  173  ; 
under  the  royal  commissioners, 
167,  168;  charter  annulled,  131, 
132,  169,  174,  175;  becomes  a 

royal  province,  175;  rule  of  An- 
dros, 175,  176;  the  Presbyterian 
movement,  162 ; attitude  in  war 
with  New  Netherlands,  163,  164, 
disputes  Connecticut  ship-toll,  164, 
repression  of  Quakers,  165,  166, 
169;  Philip’s  War,  170-172,  188; 
absorbs  Acadia,  176  ; new  charter, 
176,  177;  population,  (1700)  180, 
(1754)  265  ; slavery,  182,  272,  275  ; 
iron  mining,  184  ; manufactures, 


294 


MAS 


Index . 


NEW 


184;  fisheries,  184;  ship-building 
and  commerce,  185  ; agriculture, 
186;  witchcraft  delusion,  190-192; 
boundary  disputes,  26 7,  268  ; rep- 
resented in  second  colonial  con- 
gress, 270 ; Phipps’s  term,  275, 
276;  Bellomont’s  term,  207,  276; 
loses  New  Hampshire,  277  ; paper 
money,  278,  279. 

Massachusetts  Bay,  visited  by  Rober- 
val,  33  ; early  settlements  on,  122, 
124,  127. 

— Company,  chartered,  125  ; re- 
moves to  America,  126,  127 ; char- 
ter annulled,  131,  132,  169,  174, 
*75-  • 

Massasoit,  head-chief  of  Pokano- 
kets,  i2i,  170. 

Mather,  Cotton,  in  witchcraft  trials, 
191,  192. 

— , Increase,  influence  in  Massachu- 
setts politics,  176,  177. 

Maverick,  Samuel,  early  Massachu- 
setts settler,  122,  150;  royal  com- 
missioner, 167. 

‘‘Mayflower,”  voyage  of,  36,  117, 
1 1 S,  142,  197. 

Melendez  de  Aviles,  Pedro,  his  mas- 
sacre of  Huguenots  in  Florida,  34. 

Mexico,  aborigines  of,  8 ; Spanish 
conquest  of,  8,  11,  27-31,  42,  47; 
Spanish  colonies,  31,  32. 

— - Gulf  of,  Spanish  explorations  of, 
4,  27;  aborigines  of,  ;,  11  , Span- 
ish possessions  on,  43. 

Middletown,  N.  J.,  founded,  211. 

Milford,  Conn.,  founded,  145 

Mining,  Spanish  efforts  at,  28-30; 
early  English  efforts,  6,  37,  39,  41 ; 
in  Virginia,  6,  69,  71,  269;  in  New 
England,  180 ; in  Pennsylvania, 
219,  225. 

Minuit,  Peter,  founds  New  Amster- 
dam, 198  ; in  employ  of  the 
Swedes,  201,  208. 

Mississippi  River,  portage-routes,  4 ; 
geography  of  basin,  6,  7 ; abori- 
gines of  valley  of,  9-12  ; discov- 
ered by  De  Soto,  31,  44;  French 
reaching  out  for  the,  47;  seen  by 
Radisson  and  Groseilliers,  247; 
seen  by  Joliet  and  Marquette,  26, 
248;  early  trade  on,  18;  drainage 
system,  219;  La  Salle  on  the,  248  ; 
early  French  settlements  on,  253  ; 
as  an  element  in  French-English 
boundary  disputes,  256. 


Mohawk  Indians,  status,  10,  n. 

Mohican  Indians,  status,  9,  10. 

Montreal,  Cartier  at,  32 ; Cham* 
plain’s  visit,  35  ; founded,  246. 

Montserrat,  Leeward  Islands,  237, 
238-. 

Moqui  Indians,  visited  by  Spanish, 
29,  30. 

Moravians,  m North  Carolina,  97; 
in  Pennsylvania,  229  , in  Georgia, 
261. 

Morton,  Thomas,  at  Merrymount, 
122,  127. 

Mound-builders,  12. 


JyJ  ANTASKET,  Mass.,  founded, 

Narragansett  Bay,  early  settlements 
on,  133,  146,  159,  161  ; Philip’s 
War  on,  171. 

Narragansett  Indians,  status,  9,  10; 
troubles  with  whites,  136,  137, 
164;  in  Philip’s  W ar,  170. 

Narvaez,  Pamph.lo  de,  in  Florida, 
11,  28,  30,  47. 

Natchez  Indians,  9. 

Navigation  Acts,  historical  sketch  of, 
104-106  ; effect  in  South  Carolina, 
94;  in  Virginia,  78,  80,  280;  in 
Maryland,  86;  in  Pennsylvania, 
281  ; in  the  Jerseys,  231  ; in  New 
York,  232;  in  Massachusetts,  173, 
279,  280;  in  New  England  gene- 
rally, 184;  in  the  West  Indies, 
235,236;  one  of  the  causes  of  the 
Revolution,  279. 

Nevis,  Leeward  Islands,  237,  238. 

New  Amsterdam,  founded,  198; 
Kieft’s  term,  208,  209;  Stuyve- 
sant’s  term,  201,209;  captured  by 
English,  168,  202,  203  ; becomes 
New  York,  203  ; fur-trade  of,  253. 
See  Dutch. 

Newark,  N.  J , founded,  211. 

New  Brunswick,  De  Monts’  colony 
in,  36. 

Newcastle,  Del.,  founded,  202,  215  ; 
characteristics,  228. 

New  England,  geography  of,  5,  6, 
179,  180:  early  mining,  6;  named 
by  Smith,  72,  113,  114;  popula- 
tion, (1690)  253,  (1700)  180,  18 r, 
(1700-1750)  265;  social  distinc- 

tions, 58,  181,  182;  slavery,  182; 
occupations,  182-184;  manufac- 
tures, 184;  fisheries  and  ship- 


NEW 


Index. 


NEW 


295 


building,  185  ; commerce,  77,  164, 
135,  186,  234,  235;  towns,  186; 
education,  188;  crime,  1S8;  re- 
ligion, 189,  190,  194;  witchcraft 
delusion,  190-192;  life  and  man- 
ners, 187  ; political  conditions,  192- 
194,282;  repression  of  Quakers, 
165,  166 ; formation  of  the  con- 
federation, 156;  decadence  of  the 
confederation,  169;  in  the  hands  of 
the  Lords  of  Trade,  173  ; in  Queen 
Anne’s  War,  255;  in  King 
George’s  War,  255,  256;  ideas  of 
versus  Virginia  ideas,  2S0,  281. 

New  England,  Council  for,  char- 
tered, 60. 

Newfoundland,  Spaniards  at,  28; 
early  European  fishermen  at,  36, 
37,  49,  52  ; early  French  visits,  32, 
33  ; chimed  by  England,  44  ; Balti- 
more’s colony,  Si  ; intercolonial 
relations,  234,  235  ; in  King  Wil- 
liam’s War,  254;  historical  sketch, 
241,242,244. 

New  France,  founded,  36;  Louis 
XIV.’s  policy  towards,  49,  50; 
Champlain  fights  the  Iroquois, 
196  ; early  settlements  of,  246,  247  ; 
exploration  of  the  Northwest, 
247-249 ; ambition  for  territorial 
aggrandizement,  155  ; contests  with 
the  English,  220,  234,  252-254,274, 
275,  277,  278?  in  Queen  Anne’s 
War,  254,  255  ; in  King  George’s 
War,  255,  256  ; boundary  disputes 
with  English,  256  ; line  of  frontier 
forts,  256;  struggle  for  the  Ohio 
valley,  257;  social  and  political 
conditions  of,  249-252 ; general 
characteristics,  249,  257,  258; 

causes  of  decline,  49,  50. 

New  Hampshire,  Mason’s  grant, 
150,  152,  173,  277;  early  coloniz- 
ing efforts,  152,  153;  soil,  179; 
manufactures,  1S4 ; agriculture, 
j_S6;  characteristics,  153;  popula- 
tion, (1700)  180,  (1754)  265;  an- 
nexed by  Massachusetts,  61,  153, 
173  ; becomes  a royal  province,  61, 
153,  174,  277;  reunited  to  Massa- 
chusetts, 153,  174;  rule  of  Andros, 
175  ; under  William  and  Mary, 

1 77  ; in  King  William’s  War,  254  ; 
Bellomont’s  term,  276;  boundary 
disputes,  268  ; represented  in  sec- 
ond colonial  congress,  270. 

New  Haven,  founded,  144-146,  163  ; 


false  lt  Blue  Laws,”  146;  joins 
New  England  Confederation,  156; 
in  war  with  New  Netherlands, 
163  ; treatment  of  Quakers,  166  ; 
shelters  the  regicides,  167 ; ab- 
sorbed by  Connecticut,  146,  16S, 
169;  condition  in  1700,  186;  Yale 
College  founded,  188 ; Tory  ele- 
ment in,  1S9. 

New  Jersey,  early  mining,  6;  visited 
by  Gomez,  28 ; early  settlements, 
199,  210-2 12;  covets  Delaware, 
210;  the  two  Jerseys,  212,  213  ; 
reunited  as  a royal  province,  207, 
213,  214  ; claimed  by  New  York, 
205  ; general  characteristics,  214; 
election  of  county  judges,  59,  60  ; 
geography,  219  ; social  distinctions, 
222-224;  occupations,  224,  225; 
trade  and  commerce,  225,  226  ; 
life  and  manners,  227-229;  educa- 
tion, 229  ; religion,  230  ; political 
conditions,  231,  2S2  ; Bellomont’s 
term,  276 ; Indian  affairs,  277, 
282;  population,  (1700)  221,  ( 1 750! 
26S- 

New  Mexico,  aborigines  of,  8; 
Spanish  explorations,  28-30  ; Span- 
ish colonies,  31,  32. 

New  Netherland,  settlement  of, 
196-198;  progress,  198-202;  Puri- 
tan encroachments,  162-164  ; set- 
tlements on  the  Delaware,  207- 
209;  conquered  by  England,  168, 
202,  203,  210-212. 

New  Netherlands  Company,  197. 

New  Orleans,  founded,  248,  256. 

Newport,  R.  I.,  old  mill  at,  23; 
settled,  147  ; unites  with  Ports- 
mouth, 14S;  chartered,  149. 

New  Spain.  See  Mexico. 

New  Sweden,  its  rise  and  fall,  201, 
202,  208,  209  See  Swedes. 

New  York,  early  mining,  6;  geo- 
graphy, 218-220;  social  classes, 
222-224  ; occupations,  224,  225  ; 
trade  and  commerce,  77,  140,  185, 
225,  226  ; fur-trade,  248-250  ; life 
and  manners,  226-229  ; education, 
229;  religion,  229,  230;  crime  and 
pauperism,  230,  231 ; political  con- 
ditions, 231,  232,  282  ; Indian  af- 
fairs, 277  ; the  Dutch  regime,  196- 
202 ; captured  by  English,  202, 
203;  the  ‘‘duke’s  laws,”  204; 
recaptured  by  Dutch.  205  ; Eng- 
land again  in  possession,  205  ; the 


296 


NEW 


Index . 


rule  of  Andros,  205,206,213;  the 
charter  of  liberties,  205  ; Leisler’s 
revolution,  206;  French  designs 
on,  253  ; in  King  William’s  War, 
253,  254;  in  Queen  Anne’s  War, 
255;  Bellomont’s  term,  276;  co- 
lonial congress,  270,  271  ; boundary 
disputes,  267,  268 ; population, 

(1690)253,(1700)  220,  221,  (1750) 
265  ; characteristics,  207. 

New  York  City,  founded  by  the 
Dutch,  198;  early  commerce,  226; 
characteristics,  227,  22S  ; education 
in,  229;  political  spirit  in,  2S2. 

Nicholson,  Sir  Francis,  governor  of 
Virginia,  79,  80,  81,  273  ; deputy- 
governor  of  New  York.  206, 

Normans,  American  discoveries  by, 
21,180;  early  at  Newfoundland, 
26,  49,  241. 

North  Carolina,  aborigines  of,  11; 
Raleigh’s  colonies,  38,  40;  named 
in  London  Company’s  charter, 
66;  origin  of,  88,90;  first  settle- 
ments, 92,  93  ; Culpepper  rebellion, 
92  ; character  of  colonists,  97  ; their 
turbulent  spirit,  273,  2S0,  281  ; oc- 
cupations, 102;  agriculture,  103  ; 
religion,  108,  109 ; mountains  of, 
179  : becomes  a royal  province,  267; 
boundary  established,  268;  Indian 
affairs,  277  ; Oglethorpe’s  expedi- 
tion, 278;  influence  of  Virginian 
ideas,  280;  population,  ( 1763)  265. 

North  Virginia  Company.  See 
Plymouth  Company. 

Norwegians,  in  Iceland,  21. 

Nova  Scotia,  early  French  settle- 
ment, 35,  36;  Claybi  rne’s  trade 
with,  77 ; intercolonial  relations, 
234,  235  ; French- English  strug- 
les,  252;  in  King  William’s  War, 
253,  254 : in  Queen  Anne’s  War, 
255;  removal  of  the  Acadians, 
243  ; general  history,  242-244. 

OCRAKOKE  inlet,  English  col- 
ony on,  38. 

Oglethorpe,  James,  character,  2^9 ; 
founds  Georgia,  259,  260;  cam- 
paign against  Florida  Spaniards, 
262,  269,  278. 

Ohio  Company,  its  colonization 
efforts,  283. 

Oneida  Indians.  10,  11. 

Onondaga  Indians,  10,  11. 

Oregon,  aborigines  of,  12. 


PEQ 

PACIFIC  ocean,  crossed  by  pre- 
historic vessels,  2 ; effect  on 
American  exploration,  26,  27,  70; 
discovery  by  Balboa,  26. 

— slope,  north-shore  flora,  2 ; diffi- 
culties of  colonizing,  3 ; geography, 
3,  4,  6,  7;  early  Spanish  explora- 
tions, 28,  29 ; Spanish  missions, 
31  : Drake’s  explorations,  37. 
Palatinate  War.  See  King  William’s 
War. 

Palatines,  in  Pennsylvania,  230. 
Paper  money,  governors  oppose  its 
issue,  272-274,  278,  289. 

Parish,  the,  in  England,  55.  57;  in 
the  South,  56. 

Patroon  system,  in  New  York,  198- 
200 ; in  Delaware,  207,  208. 
Pawtuxet,  R.  I.,  founded,  160;  the 
Gorton  case,  160,  161. 

Penn  Charter  School,  founded,  229. 
Penn,  William,  secures  grant  of 
Delaware,  210;  interested  in  New 
Jersey,  212,  213,  215;  secures 
grant  of  Pennsylvania,  215;  his 
government,  216 ; relations  with 
Indians,  216,  217;  boundary  dis- 
putes with  Maryland,  86;  on 
American  climate,  220  ; supported 
by  aristocrats,  224;  introduces 
physicians,  225  ; imports  Germans, 
230  : plan  for  colonial  union,  270  ; 
death,  217;  his  heirs  resist  taxa- 
tion of  their  lands,  273,  274. 

— , Admiral  Sir  William,  father  of 
foregoing,  215,  240. 

Pennsylvania,  settlements,  208,  209, 
215;  geography,  219;  social 
classes.  222-224  ; occupations,  224, 
225  ; trade  and  commerce,  225, 
226;  life  and  manners,  227-229; 
education,  229 ; religion,  108,  229, 
230;  crime  and  pauperism,  231; 
political  conditions,  232,  280,  281  ; 
annexation  of  Delaware,  210,  216  ; 
Penn’s  constitution  and  laws,  216; 
development,  216,  217  ; witchcraft 
delusion,  192  ; boundary  disputes, 
86,  268 ; disagreement  between 
governor  and  assembly,  273,274; 
Indian  affairs,  170,  277;  paper 
money,  278:  characteristics,  217; 
influence  of  Virginia  ideas,  280 ; 
population  (1700),  221,  222,  (1750) 
265,  266. 

Pequod  Indians,  uprising  of,  136, 
I37>  140-M2. 


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PHI 


Index. 


PUR 


297 


Philadelphia,  first  medical  school, 
184  ; commerce,  185,  226  ; first  in- 
sane hospital,  231  ; arrival  of 
Scotch,  269  ; characteristics,  228. 

Philip  II,  king  of  Spain,  34. 

Philip’s  War,  in  New  England,  169- 
172,  18S. 

Phipps,  Sir  William,  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  177,  275,  276  ; cap- 
tures Port  Royal,  254. 

Pilgr  ms,  their  staying  qualities,  43  ; 
in  Holland,  115-117;  voyage  of 
“Mayflower,”  117,  118;  settle- 
ment of  Plymouth,  1 18-120 ; land- 
grant  on  the  Hudson,  197. 

Piracy,  English,  on  Spanish  com- 
merce, 94.  ; in  New  York,  206, 
207  ; in  the  West  Indies,  239,  240  ; 
in  Virginia,  273  ; in  Rhode  Island, 
276, 

Plantation,  as  a political  unit,  56,  73. 

Plymouth,  England,  seat  of  Plymouth 
Company,  41,  66,  113,  150,  152. 

Plymouth  Colony,  settled,  116-120, 
144;  development,  120-124;  char- 
acteristics, 123,  124,  139  ; mar- 
riages in,  132;  Williams  at,  132; 
fur-trade  on  the  Connecticut,  140  ; 
in  the  Gorton  case,  160;  treatment 
of  Quakers,  166 ; receives  royal 
commissioners,  169;  Indian  affairs, 
170-172;  joins  the  confederation, 
156:  rule  of  Andros,  175;  ship- 
building, 1S5  ; merged  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 124,  176;  lesson  of  the 
colony,  53. 

Plymouth  Company,  chartered,  66 ; 
Baltimore  a councillor,  81 ; south- 
ern boundary,  82  ; relations  with 
New  Englanders,  120,  122,  124; 
sends  out  Popham  colony.  1 1 3 ; 
reorganizes,  114;  grant  to  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  Company,  125  ; grant 
to  Brook  and  Say  and  Sele,  141  ; 
surrenders  its  charter,  13 1,  150, 
152- 

Pokanoket  Indians,  relations  with 
Plymouth,  12 1,  170. 

Poor  whites,  genesis  of,  74,  100,  no. 

Popham,  Ceorge,  heads  the  Popham 
colony,  1 13. 

— , Sir  John,  interest  in  American 
colonization,  66,  113. 

Population,  of  Indian  tribes,  9-1 1, 
15  ; excess  of,  in  Europe,  50,  53, 
65:  of  Virginia,  (1650-1670)  76, 
(1697),  81  ; of  the  South  generally, 


(1688)  97;  of  Pennsylvania  and 
Delaware,  (1700)  221,  222;  of  the 
Jerseys  (1700),  221  ; of  New  York, 
(1674)  205,  (1690)  253,  (1700)220, 
221;  ot  Connecticut  (1636),  141; 
of  Rhode  Island,  (1638)  147  ; of 
Plymouth,  (1643)  121  ; of  Massa- 
chusetts, (1634)  129;  of  New  Eng- 
land generally,  (1690)  253,  (1700) 
180;  of  the  English  colonies  gen- 
erally, (1700-1750)  265,  266;  of 
New  France,  (1690)  253. 

Portage  paths,  situation  and  import- 
ance of,  4 ; Indian  villages  on, 
J3* 

Port  Royal,  Nova  Scotia,  founded, 
36,  48  ; captured  by  English,  242, 
243,  252,  254,  278. 

— , S.  C\,  founded  by  Huguenots? 
33 ,93;  destroyed  by  Spanish,  93, 
94- 

Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  founded,  152, 
153  ; Tory  element  at,  189. 

— , R.  I.,  founded,  147;  declaration, 
147,  148  ; chartered,  149. 

Portuguese,  early  explorations  of,  24, 
25,  27  ; Alexander’s  bull  of  parti- 
tion and  the,  24  ; fishing  colony  at 
Newfoundland,  26,  37,  241  ; South 
American  colonies  of  the,  44 ; 
colonial  policy  of,  48  ; overpopula- 
tion, 50;  trade  with  New  Eng- 
land, 185. 

Presbyterians,  in  England,  1 1 5 ; in 
Scotland,  115,  132,  161;  on  the 
Continent,  115;  in  Virginia,  108; 
in  Massachusetts,  161,  162;  in 
Pennsylvania  and  Delaware,  221  ; 
in  middle  colonies  generally,  230  ; 
in  the  Shenandoah  valley,  269. 

Providence,  R.  I.,  founded,  133,  146  ; 
religious  disturbances  at,  148,  159; 
union  with  Rhode  Island,  147  ; the 
compact,  147;  chartered,  148,  149; 
population,  (1638)  147. 

— , Md.,  former  name  for  Annapolis, 
98. 

Pueblo  Indians,  status,  8 ; visited  by 
Spaniards,  29,  30;  Spanish  mis- 
sions among,  3 1,  32. 

Puritans,  definition  of  term,  115  ; in 
Holland,  115,  117;  motive  of  emi- 
gration to  America,  46  ; settle  New 
England,  1 16-140  ; gain  ascen- 
dency over  Massachusetts  Presby- 
terians, 162 ; rise  to  power  in 
England,  169  ; in  Virginia,  75-78, 


298 


Index. 


SHR 


QUA 

108 ; in  South  Carolina,  109 ; in 
Maryland,  84-87  ; in  middle  colo- 
nies, 230. 


QUAKERS,  in  Carolina,  89,  91, 
95  ; in  Virginia,  108  ; in  Mary- 
land, 86;  in  Pennsylvania  and 
Delaware,  210,  215-217,  221-225, 
227,  230-232,  274,  277,  281  ; in  the 
Jerseys,  21 2,  213,  221  ; in  New 
England,  165,  166,  169. 

Quebec,  Cartier  at,  32  ; founded  by 
Champlain,  36,  48,  155,  246;  capi- 
tal of  New  France,  251  ; captured 
by  English,  252. 

Queen  Anne’s  War,  254,  255,  277, 
278. 


RADISSON,  Sieur,  early  French 
explorer,  247,  248. 

Raleigh,  Sir  Walter,  interest  in 
American  colonization,  37-40,  52, 
65,  68.  88 ; resists  the  Armada, 
40. 

Randolph,  Edward,  collector  at  Bos- 
ton, 173,  174. 

Representation,  colonial  practice  of, 
62;  in  Virginia,  73  ; in  Maryland, 
83,  84;  in  Pennsylvania,  216;  in 
New  Jersey,  211,  212,  2T4;  in 
New  Netherlands,  200,  201,  223  ; 
in  New  York,  204  206;  in  Con- 
necticut, 143,  145  ; in  Plymouth, 
123 ; in  Massachusetts,  62,  128. 
129  ; the  Watertown  case,  128. 
Rhode  Island,  founded,  133,  135, 
146-150;  chartered,  61,  168;  reli- 
gious disturbances,  148,  149,  159- 
161,  189,  190,  194;  Mrs.  Hutchin- 
son in,  135;  treatment  of  Quakers, 
165,  166 ; litigation,  182 ; trade, 
186;  education,  188;  union  of  col- 
onies, as  Providence  Plantations, 
148 ; not  permitted  to  join  the 
confederation,  157;  charter  trou- 
bles, 175,  1 77,  266,267;  boundary 
disputes,  267,  268 ; represented  in 
second  colonial  congress,  270 ; Bel- 
lomont’s  visit,  276;  Indian  affairs, 
277;  population,  (1700)  180;  char- 
acteristics, 49,  50. 

Ridge  Hermits,  in  Pennsylvania, 
230. 

Rensselaerswyck,  N.  Y.,  founded, 
199. 


Roanoke  Island,  Raleigh  s colony 
on,  38-40,  88,  1 19. 

Roberval,  Jean  Francois  de,  attempt 
at  French  colonization,  32,  33. 

Rocky  Mountains,  a barrier  to  colo- 
nization, 3 ; exploration  of,  4 ; geog- 
raphy of,  6,  7 ; aborigines  of,  8,  9, 
12. 

Ryswick,  treaty  of,  244,  254. 


SABLE,  Isle  of,  early  French  colo- 
nies on,  35. 

Saint-Lusson,  Sieur  de, early  French 
explorer,  248. 

Salem,  Mass.,  founded,  125,126; 
divides,  127  ; Williams  at,  132, 
133;  witchcraft  delusion  at,  190- 
192. 

Salzburgers,  in  Georgia,  260,  261. 
San  Francisco,  harbor  of,  3;  founded, 
3I- 

Santa  Fe,  N.  Mex.,  founded,  31,  32. 
Sault  Ste. -Marie,  early  French  vis- 
its to,  247,  248;  French  settlement 
at,  253. 

Savannah,  Ga.,  founded,  258. 

Say  and  Sele,  Lord,  attempts  to  in- 
troduce hereditary  rank,  59,  129; 
Connecticut  land-grant  to,  141. 
Saybrook,  Conn.,  founded?  136,  137, 
141,  164;  raided  by  Indians,  137. 
Scandinavians,  pre-Columbian  dis- 
coveries of,  21-23;  on  the  Dela- 
ware, 51. 

Schenectady,  N.  Y.,  sacked  by 
French  and  Indians,  206. 
Schuylkill  River,  conflicts  between 
Dutch  and  English  on,  200-202. 
Scotch,  in  Carolina,  93;  in  the  Jer- 
seys, 21 1,  213,  221. 

Scotch-Irish,  in  Georgia,  261,  263  ; 
in  North  Carolina,  97;  in  Vir- 
ginia, 108;  in  Shenandoah  valley, 
269 ; in  Pennsylvania  and  Dela- 
ware, 221,  222;  in  New  England, 
jSo;  in  Nova  Scotia,  242. 
Seminoles,  status  of,  n. 

Seneca  Indians,  status  of,  10,  n. 
Sewall,  Samuel,  denounces  slavery, 
182;  in  witchcraft  trials,  191,  192. 
Shenandoah  valley,  a home  for  Scotch 
Presbyterians,  269. 

Ship-building  in  New  England,  146, 
185  ; Block’s  vessel,  196  ; in  Penn- 
sylvania, 226. 

1 Shrewsbury,  N.  J.,  founded,  211. 


Index . 


TOW 


299 


STO 

Sioux  Indians.  See  Dakotahs. 

Six  Nations.  See  Iroquois. 

Slavery,  in  Georgia,  260,  263 ; in 
South  Carolina,  99;  in  Virginia, 
74,  Si,  99;  in  the  South  generally, 
98,  99,  103,  no;  in  the  middle 
colonies,  223,224;  in  New  Eng- 
land, 58,  139.  182,  1S5  ; in  Illinois, 
192  ; in  the  West  Indies,  234,  239- 
241. 

Smith,  Capt.  John,  attempts  to 
reach  the  Pacific,  26 ; member  of 
the  London  Company,  66;  expe- 
riences at  Jamestown,  70-72 ; voy- 
age to  New  England,  113,  114.  150. 

Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the 
Gospel,  work  in  South  Carolina, 
102  ; in  New  York*  229  ; in  Geor- 
gia, 260. 

Somers,  Sir  George,  member  of 
London  Company,  66,  69,  72  ; at 
Bermudas,  238. 

Somers’s  Islands.  See  Bermudas. 

Sothel,  Seth,  governor  of  North 
Carolina,  92,  93  ; of  South  Caro- 
lina, 94. 

South  Carolina  as  Chicora,  27 ; set- 
tlement of,  90;  landed  estates  in, 
58;  occupations,  102:  religion, 
102,  109;  trade,  102,  261,  social 
life,  107  ; becomes  a royal  prov- 
ince, 267 ; boundary  established, 
268 ; Indian  affairs,  277;  Ogle- 
thorpe’s  expedition,  278;  influence 
of  Virginia  ideas,  280 ; political 
condition,  2S1  ; population  (1763), 
266. 

Southern  Indians,  status  of,  9,  11. 

Southold,  L.  I , founded,  145. 

Spaniards,  conquest  of  Mexico  and 
Peru,  8,  n;  treatment  of  Indians, 
17;  early  American  discoveries, 
23,  24;  the  bull  of  partition,  24, 
36;  fishermen  at  Newfoundland, 
25,  37;  exploration  of  American 
interior,  27-31;  their  American 
colonies,  26,  31,  32,  88;  character 
of  those  colonies,  42,  43  ; conflicts 
with  France,  32,  34,  93,  94  ; influ- 
ence on  English  court,  36;  con- 
flicts with  English,  38,  39,  237, 
239-241,  244;  war  with  Holland, 
196;  the  Armada,  40;  their  colo- 
nial policy,  47,  48;  overpopulation 
in  Spain,  50;  causes  of  failure  of 
North  American  colonies,  42-44  : 
trade  with  New  England,  185 ; 


conflicts  with  Georgia,  259-262, 
278. 

St.  Augustine,  Fla.,  founded,  32,  34, 
94  in  Oglethorpe’s  campaign,  259, 
261. 

St.  Christopher,  Leeward  Islands, 
237>  238. 

St.  John’s,  Newfoundland,  early 
fisheries  at,  37. 

St.  Lawrence  River,  gateway  to  con- 
tinental interior,  4,  248;  explored 
by  Cartier,  32;  by  Champlain,  35, 
36  French  claims  on,  43,  255,  256  ; 
settlements  on,  246,  249,  250,  253. 

St.  Lucia,  Windward  Islands,  237. 

St.  Mary’s,  Md. , founded,  82,  83, 
as  the  capital,  84,  87,  98. 

St.  Vincent,  in  Windward  Islands, 
237- 

Stamford,  Conn.,  founded,  145. 

Stoughton,  William,  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor of  Massachusetts,  18 1 ; in 
witchcraft  trials,  191. 

Stuyvesant,  Peter,  governor  of  New 
Netherlands,  163,  200,  201,  202, 
203,  209. 

Suffrage  in  judicial  elections,  59; 
general  qualifications,  61,  62  ; in 
Maryland,  86;  in  New  Jersey, 
213,  214;  in  New  Netherlands, 
200;  in  New  York,  204.  205;  in 
Connecticut,  143  ; in  Massachu- 
setts, 128,  167,  173,  176  ; in  New 
England  generally,  193. 

“ Susan  Constant,”  the,  carries  col- 
onists to  Virginia,  69. 

Swedes,  colonial  policy  of  the,  51  ; 
career  of  New  Sweden,  201,  202, 
208,  209;  in  Pennsylvania  and 
Delaware,  208-210,  215,  217,  221, 
222;  in  New  Jersey,  211,  221. 

Swiss,  in  North  Carolina,  97. 


TARRAT1NE  Indians,  uprising 
in  Maine,  188. 

Tennessee,  character  of  early  set- 
tlers, 269,  283. 

Texas,  early  Spanish  exploration  of, 
28. 

Tinicum,  island  of,  seat  of  Swedish 
government  in  America,  208,  215. 
Tobago,  Windward  Islands,  237. 
Town,  the,  in  England,  55  ; in  New 
England,  57,  62,  139,  140,  192, 
193  ; in  the  middle  colonies,  57, 
204.  216. 


300 


TRE 


Index . 


WTN 


Trenton,  N.  J .,  characteristics,  228. 
Trinidad,  Windward  Islands,  237 
Tuscarora  Indians,  join  the  Five 
Nations,  11 


UNDERHILL,  John,  in  Pe- 
quod  War,  137. 

Union,  schemes  for  colonial,  New 
England  Confederation,  155-158 
first  colonial  congress,  80,  206,  270  ; 
governmental  plans,  267,  270;  sec- 
ond congress,  270,  271. 

Usselinx,  Willem,  founds  South 
Company  of  Sweden,  208. 

Utah,  aborigines  of,  12 

Utrecht,  treaty  of,  241-243,  255,  256. 


VACA,  Cabeza  de,  in  Narvaez’s 
expedition,  28,  29. 

Vane,  Sir  Henry,  governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 129,  134,  135. 

Van  Rensselaer  family,  199,  223. 
Vermont,  soil,  179;  becomes  a State, 
26S. 

Verrazano,  John,  on  the  American 
coast,  32,  41. 

Virginia,  named  by  Raleigh,  38 ; 
Raleigh’s  land  grants,  40 ; causes 
of  early  failures  in  colonizing,  41- 
44 ; geography,  96 ; settlement, 
69-75  » character  of  colonists,  97, 
114;  landed  estates,  58;  judiciary, 
60;  suffrage,  61,  62;  first  assem- 
bly, 62;  first  charter,  66-69,  70, 
1 13  ; second  charter,  72  ; develop- 
ment, 75-81  ; becomes  a royal  prov- 
ince, 74;  Bacon’s  rebellion,  78, 
79,  90;  occupations,  102;  com- 
merce, 103,  104;  education,  107, 
108;  religion,  108,  witch-duck- 
ing, 192;  conflicts  with  Dutch, 
197,  200;  Walloons  rejected,  198; 
piracy,  273 ; Spotswood’s  term, 
269  ; Nicholson’s  term,  273  ; in- 
cludes Bermudas,  238  ; Virginia 
ideas  versus  New  England  ideas, 
280  ; reaching  out  to  the  West,  67, 
283;  population  (1688)  97,  (1763) 
266. 

“ Virginia,”  the  early  New  England 
pinnace,  185. 

Virgin  Islands,  Leeward  group,  237, 
238. 


W ALFORD,  Thomas,  settles  at 
Charlestown,  122. 

Walloons,  settle  in  New  Nether- 
lands, 198,  201  ; in  Delaware.  207, 
208. 

Warwick.  Earl  of,  interest  in  Ameri- 
can colonization,  37  ; president  of 
Council  for  New  England,  141, 
158. 

— , R.  I.,  founded,  148;  Gorton 
case,  160. 

Washington,  George,  education  of, 
108  ; opinion  of  Bermudas,  239. 
Watertown,  Mass,  founded,  127; 
protest  against  taxation  without 
representation,  62,  128  ; emigration 
to  Connecticut,  140. 

Welsh,  American  discoveries  by,  21  ; 
in  New  England,  180  ; in  Penn- 
sylvania and  Delaware,  217,  221. 
Wesley,  Charles,  in  Georgia,  262. 

— , John,  in  Georgia,  262. 

West  Indies,  aborigines  of,  8;  Span- 
ish conquest  of,  43,  47;  Spanish 
commerce,  39  ; piracy,  34  ; Portu- 
guese in,  48;  Dutch  in,  50;  trade 
with  Southern  colonies,  102,  104  ; 
trade  with  New  England,  185  ; 
trade  with  middle  colonies,  226 ; 
intercolonial  idalions,  234,  235. 
West  Jersey,  212-214.  216,  221. 
Westminster,  treaty  of,  205. 
Wethersfield,  Conn.,  founded,  141  , 
sacked  by  Indians,  137. 

Weymouth,  George,  explores  New 
England  coast,  41, 65. 

Whitefield,  George,  revival  work, 
190,  262. 

William  III.,  king  of  England,  206, 
253- 

— and  Mary,  sovereigns  of  Eng- 
land, proclaimed  in  the  colonies, 
87,  176. 

William  and  Mary  college,  chartered, 
80,  81,  103. 

Williams,  Roger,  character,  132;  at 
Salem,  132,  133  ; founds  Provi- 
dence, 133,  146,  347,  149,  160;  ser- 
vices in  Pequod  War.  136  ; attitude 
towards  Quakers,  165. 
Williamsburg,  capital  of  Virginia,  81, 
?8-. 

Wilmington,  Del.,  founded.  201,  208. 
— , N.  C.,  early  French  visit  to, 
32. 

Windsor,  Conn.,  founded,  136,  337, 
140,  141 . 


hid  ex. 


WIN 

Windward  Islands,  English  colonies, 

236,237* 

Wingfield,  Edward  Maria,  member 
of  London  Company,  66;  presi- 
dent of  Jamestown,  70. 

Winslow,  Edward,  London  agent  of 
Massachusetts,  13 1,  132  ; in  the 
Gorton  case,  160 ; expression  of 
colonial  independence,  161. 

Winthrop,  John,  governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 127,  129,  i35»  138,  156; 
expression  of  colonial  indepen- 
dence, 161. 

— , John,  Jr.,  founds  Saybrook,  136, 
141 ; governor  of  Connecticut,  143  ; 
London  agent  of  Connecticut,  168. 

Wisconsin,  canoe  portages  in,  4 ; ab- 
origines of,  12;  discovered  by 
Nicolet?  26;  early  French  explo- 
rations in,  247,  248. 


301 

ZUN 

Witchcraft  delusion,  at  Salem,  190- 
192,275;  elsewhere,  190,  192. 
Wocoken,  island  of,  English  colony 
on,  38,  88. 


YALE  COLLEGE,  founded,  80, 
188. 

Yeamans,  Sir  John,  leads  colony  to 
Carolina,  89,  237 ; governor  of 
South  Carolina,  93. 

York,  Duke  of,  proprietor  of  New 
York,  203,  210-212;  becomes 

James  II.,  205,  206,  213;  grants 
Delaware  to  Pennsylvania,  216. 


ZUNI  Indians,  visited  by  Span- 
iards, 29,  30. 


A 


973.2  T548A 


211408 


D01270760N 


